Showing posts with label teens. Show all posts
Showing posts with label teens. Show all posts

Tuesday, September 23, 2014

Michael Unger - Stop Bubble-Wrapping Your Kids! How Overprotection Leads to Psychological Damage

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Michael Ungar, PhD, is a family therapist and a professor of social work at Dalhousie University, where he codirects the Resilience Research Centre. He’s the author of Too Safe for Their Own Good: How Risk and Responsibility Help Teens Thrive.

This article was published originally in Psychotherapy Networker magazine and re-posted at Alternet.

This style of parenting seems to weird to me. Granted, I grew up in the 1970s, in a quiet suburb of Los Angeles, but I had an incredible amount of freedom compared to today's kids. As a seven or eight year old (maybe younger), I was allowed to walk nearly a mile to the 7-11 to buy baseball cards with my allowance on a Saturday morning. At eight or nine, I could ride my bicycle several miles with a friend or two to go to Magic Mountain, which included crossing several major intersections. As a nine-year-old in southern Oregon, I was allowed to be out all day, fishing my way with a friend down Williams Creek.

I grew up with the freedom to make mistakes, get stuffed in a garbage can (I was six, and we were riding our bikes in the junior high school down the street), and to explore the world in which I grew up. Those experiences are part of who I am today.

Psychologist: Stop Bubble-Wrapping Your Kids! How Overprotection Leads to Psychological Damage

If overprotection can disadvantage children, why do so many parents continue to bubble-wrap their kids?


Psychotherapy Networker / By Michael Ungar

September 17, 2014  |  I’m sure Shyam wasn’t thinking about the harm she was causing her 8-year-old daughter, Marian, when she demanded her daughter’s school put an extra crossing guard closer to their home. Nor did she doubt herself when she insisted that children be barred from bringing oranges to school because Marian developed a minor rash every time she ate one. At home, Marian was closely monitored and never allowed to take risks: no sleepovers, no playing on the trampoline with friends, no walking to the corner store (less than a block away) by herself.

Shyam might sound extreme in her parenting, but among the families that come to therapy these days, she’s far from an outlier. While not all overprotective parents are as extreme in their behaviors as Shyam (indeed, few experience themselves as being obsessive at all), many middle-class families are struggling to decide how much protection is the right amount, even when their children are showing signs of anxiety and rebellion as a result. Whether these families are my clients or my neighbors, overprotective parenting appears to have become the rule, rather than the exception, in today’s world.

I’ll be the first to admit that I found it difficult not to roll my eyes and tell Shyam to lighten up. I wanted to share stories about my own upbringing, which included healthy doses of benign neglect by a mother who told me to go outside and play and not come back until I was hungry, or badly injured.

Or I could’ve explained to Shyam that there’s now consensus among social scientists that children across the United States, Canada, Australia, England, and other high-income countries have never been safer. Even the respected epidemiologists at the Centers for Disease Control in Atlanta recently published a report that showed that the real risks to our children aren’t abductions by strangers or being murdered, but much more commonplace problems like bullying and obesity. Believe it or not, physical fighting, cigarette use, and even sexual activity among teens are all decreasing. And the police chiefs of Canada, much like police chiefs in other countries, tell us that crime in our communities is down, and that the person most likely to assault a child sexually is still, by far, a member of the child’s own family.

In my experience, however, no amount of statistical reporting gets parents to stop hovering over their children. Regardless of whether the parent is seeing me clinically or we’re sharing a burger on my back deck, statistics do not change behavior. The patterns are too enmeshed—and worse, reinforced by neighbors (who criticize parents for letting 8-year-olds walk to school alone), educators (who’ve forbidden failure in the classrooms and sanitized playgrounds), and Fox News anchors (who sensationalize every child abduction, no matter where it’s taken place). Shyam is symptomatic of a new normal, which is causing real harm to children’s psychosocial development.

This new normal is a growing pattern of overprotection that I’ve seen emerging as one of the thorniest clinical issues for therapists because it can look so reasonable. If we therapists have children too (I have two older teens), we may find ourselves empathizing and afraid to admit that we’re just as crazy when it comes to our own kids. Statistics be damned! We’re not going to let anything bad happen to our child.

Where Shyam is a little different from other parents is that, as a consequence of her relentless efforts to protect her daughter and ensure her success at every activity, Marian began to experience severe anxiety before school each day and show the early signs of anorexia. Indeed, the growing number of young adults who aren’t allowed responsibilities in life and who are presenting with anxiety disorders is a warning sign that many parents have lost their way. As a consultant to Shyam’s case, I knew that her fears needed to be challenged, albeit gently, and that Marian needed much more control over the decisions that affected her. The question was how could we, as the family’s clinical team, help Shyam and Marian find a new normal.

The Risk-Taker’s Advantage

Over years of working with parents to help undo the bubble wrap around their children, I’ve found four questions to be useful. Rather than insisting that parents change their behavior and supervise their children less, or trying to persuade them that the world really is a safer place today, I focus on how they can give their kids opportunities to experience the manageable amounts of risk and responsibility needed for success. I ask them:
1. When you were growing up and were about the same age as your child, what risks did you take and what responsibilities did you have?
2. What did you learn from those experiences?
3. Later in life, how helpful were those lessons?
4. How will your child learn the same life lessons?
These questions, especially the fourth one, shift the focus of the clinical work from trying to get parents to stop overprotecting to doing what’s positive for their children, which is providing them with opportunities to experience what I call the risk-taker’s advantage.

That advantage comes when children are given the chance to experience just enough stress to demand their full attention, but not so much that it overwhelms them. These manageable experiences can come in two forms—taking risks and assuming responsibility—which often go hand in hand. For example, giving a child her first pocket knife at, say, age 9 not only gives her the advantage of experiencing a little risky play with a sharp object: it signals that she’s responsible for keeping herself and others safe. Of course, few families find it difficult to argue against giving a child her own pocketknife, but ask those same parents to let their 9-year-old ride her bike to school alone, use the stove to help cook dinner, or go into a fast-food restaurant and order her meal by herself, and suddenly you’ll see them unsure about whether their child is competent enough to keep herself safe or responsible enough to make good decisions.

When we bubble-wrap children, we deny them opportunities to experience what evolutionary psychologists have described as antiphobic play. “Free-range children,” a term coined by New York City journalist Lenore Skenazy, are likelier to experience the exhilaration of overcoming situations that they’re biologically hardwired to fear until they have the physical and psychological maturity to cope with them. Riding the subway at age 9 alone and climbing high up into a tree both offer children the same opportunity to experience enough risk to scare themselves a bit while feeling responsible for the consequences that can follow recklessness. Adventurous play and progressively larger responsibilities are important building blocks for psychological well-being.

Shyam may have given Marian the protection an 8-year-old sometimes requires, but she was neglecting her daughter’s need to encounter risk, like going to the playground with her friends and attending sleepovers at someone else’s house, where bedtimes and expectations may differ from those at home. Such experiences bring with them advantages we can’t provide our kids without help from others.

When I met with Shyam alone, I used the four questions to tease apart her beliefs about her role as a parent and what Marian needed psychologically. When I asked Shyam what risks she’d taken growing up, she told me about her strict upbringing, in which she’d made few, if any, decisions on her own. She was expected to share responsibilities for housework and looking after her younger siblings. She was rarely outside her parents’ supervision—at least until college, when she went through a period of rebellion, tried drinking, and even had a boyfriend, though she refused to be sexually active until she married her husband, whom she met shortly after graduation.

Shyam’s early years had made her feel secure at home, but she’d learned little about taking chances outside it. She didn’t, at first, want to acknowledge that this pattern could be a problem for Marian. Her daughter would, she insisted, be a success, someone her whole family (including the grandparents) would admire. Nothing could put that success at risk.

I next asked Shyam whether she’d learned anything from having so many responsibilities as a child, or if taking those risks in college had taught her anything that was useful later in life. She admitted she was a little bitter about the responsibilities she’d been given, but happy that her childhood had taught her how to look after others. Her behavior at college, however, was unforgivable, she said, insisting nothing good had come of any of it.

“So let me see if I’m understanding,” I said to Shyam. “All those responsibilities you had while younger were good, even though you didn’t always like them?”

“What I liked was that I felt a lot older, ready to have my own children,” she responded.

“I sometimes hear from children who take risks that they feel much the same afterward. Both experiences—of taking risks and having responsibilities—make us feel older,” I said, “or in control of our lives. So I’m wondering, if you became a responsible adult by having responsibility for others, how is Marian going to find that same feeling of being all grown up?”

“I don’t want her to have to give up her childhood like I did,” Shyam protested.

“Yes, I understand,” I said. “But then, if she has no responsibilities for herself or others, and she’s not taking many risks, how will she learn the life lessons she needs to get ready to be away at college when she’s older?”

Though Shyam hesitated to admit it, I had the sense that my questions were making her worry that Marian would be less prepared for adulthood than even she had been. “I don’t know what else to do. She’s just a child, and our community is so dangerous,” she argued.

I knew Shyam was stuck, unsure of what else she should do. Pulling out the “our community is so dangerous” card was a last-ditch effort to defend herself and keep doing more of what she felt comfortable doing. For better or worse, though, Marian’s anxiety was increasing, and Shyam realized she couldn’t stop it by accompanying Marian to school each morning and sitting beside her for the first hour. Exasperated, Shyam finally began to look cautiously for opportunities to give Marian more risks and responsibilities appropriate to her age. She began by leaving Marian alone at her gymnastics lesson and letting her coach decide what amount of safety equipment was necessary. As Shyam explained, justifying her decision to us both, “She’s a professional coach and former national champion. I think she can assess the danger to Marian better than me, right? But I can’t watch. I have to go and come back or else I just get in the way.”

It was a helpful first step that let Marian experience both a measure of well-managed risk and a period of responsibility for herself. When I asked Marian about the change, she was enthusiastic about the independence she was experiencing. Gymnastics lessons without her mother may have seemed to me like just a normal kid activity—but to Marian, it may as well have been a solo flight over Antarctica.

Unfortunately, however, even when parents try to stop hovering over their child, the social gaze of their extended families and communities can thwart their efforts. One mother I met was surprised when her neighbor knocked on her door holding the mother’s 5-year-old son by the hand. “I saw him playing at the bottom of your driveway and thought you should know he was near the road,” she said.
“Thank you,” the mother replied and explained that she’d taught her son not to go off the driveway. Besides, even if he had, she’d reasoned, the traffic on their quiet suburban street was so light, it was unlikely the boy would have been hurt.

“Oh, he hadn’t gone in the road at all,” said the neighbor. “But it just looked to me like he could be in some danger.”

All this emphasis on safety and monitoring our children is missing the point of parenting. While children are young enough to pay attention to the advice of their caregivers, they should be encouraged to experience enough risk and responsibility to learn from the small mistakes they’re bound to make.

Kids Need Responsibility

When 13-year-old Tricia came to see me she was doing everything she could to distance herself from a world of zero risk and predictable success. Just months before I met her, she’d been the preppy kid with the big smile and enthusiasm for fundraising. Then puberty whooshed in like a thunderstorm and she began asking for more risk and more responsibility, like being able to stay out later with her friends. It was normal kid stuff, which a generation or two ago would never have triggered a referral to therapy. However, Tricia’s parents, like most other parents in their community, were suddenly becoming overprotective. Instead of realizing their daughter was growing up and looking for the rites of passage that mark a transition to adulthood, they’d begun to worry that she was in too much danger beyond their front door.

Like any high-spirited youth, Tricia rebelled. She turned Goth, dyed her hair black, and began disappearing after school. Her rebelliousness led to arguments at home and groundings. These only made matters worse. By the time I caught up with Tricia and her parents, Tricia had fully committed herself to doing everything in her power to show them that she could look after herself. Unfortunately, that had meant experimenting with soft drugs and alcohol and finding a boyfriend a couple years older than her. It might sound extreme, but in my experience such behaviors have become common among the middle-class kids from secure homes with caregivers who put too much effort into monitoring them. Tricia didn’t want to be “bad,” but what other choice did she have if she was going to experience enough risk and responsibility to feel grown up?

Over several weekly meetings, I invited Tricia’s parents to talk about their lives growing up, with their daughter present. Those conversations became the basis for renegotiations of the house rules and discussions about how to assign Tricia meaningful responsibilities at home. In other words, we stopped the arguments over making her bed and instead insisted she help shop for the weekly groceries and cook once a week. We also worked on getting Tricia’s parents to stop saying no and instead find ways to say yes to the developmental things Tricia wanted to take on. That meant allowing her to have a boyfriend, but insisting she sit down with their family doctor to discuss sexual health and safety. Tricia’s father summarized our work together this way: “I guess if she’s old enough to mess up, she’s old enough to take some responsibility to do things right.”

It was interesting that as Tricia was given more opportunities to experience manageable amounts of risk and responsibility for herself and others, she began to appreciate the structure her parents were providing. She came home for dinner more often, didn’t mind being reminded to go to bed when it was getting late on a school night, and even agreed to go on a family camping trip. She was, after all, still a child, with a child’s need for attachment to her caregivers, but she was also an adolescent, who required experiences beyond those that her family could provide her.

A Solution to Overprotection

I recently spoke to an audience of 500 teachers and caregivers about the potential consequences of overprotective parenting. If the questions afterward indicated anything, it’s that as a group, we’re split on what makes for good parenting at a time when we perceive our children threatened by everything from pedophiles to peanuts.

One mother wanted to know if it would be appropriate for her 7-year-old son to walk to school on his own (she’d been letting him do it, but worried that other parents considered her irresponsible). Rather than answering yes or no, I suggested she consider whether there were major highways to cross or gangs of violent youth waiting to rob her son. I asked her about her child’s ability to find his way alone. And then I asked her how she’d gotten to school when she’d been 7. As she considered each question, I could see her reaching the same conclusion I’d have reached: that if her community is as safe as most middle-class neighborhoods, then yes, her child should walk to school.

The next parent asked how to handle his 12-year-old daughter, who wanted to get a tattoo. He wished she’d wait, but wondered if he was just being overprotective. The issue had become an ongoing struggle, and the girl was threatening to run away if her parents didn’t let her do what she wanted. Before answering, I had to take a deep breath, anxious that the audience understand that not being overprotective wasn’t the same as being too permissive.

“I’m not sure a 12-year-old can make a well-informed decision about a tattoo,” I said. “That seems to be something we as parents should exercise some control over. If she were my daughter, I’d tell her to wait, at least until she likes wearing the same style of clothing for more than a year.” The audience laughed. “Could you give her a clothing allowance instead and let her choose what she wears for a few years, and then promise to revisit tattoos when, say, she’s 16?”

The audience’s questions highlighted the problem we face as parents. We’ve become so focused on keeping children safe that many of us don’t seem to know what’s normal anymore. It’s as if we look at children as a species of underevolved pets, whom we adults must take care of. Excessive protection, however, goes against what we know about the positive role that risk and responsibility play in children’s development.

Being pushed to the point of failure at tasks that, with effort, we can manage is necessary to develop a sense of personal efficacy. Research on children’s behavior in sports shows that children who have incremental opportunities to push themselves to the limits of their ability are likelier to handle genuinely daunting physical challenges, like a double black-diamond ski run, with aplomb because of the confidence they gain by facing and surmounting challenges. Untested children are likelier to be anxious, tense, afraid of the hill, and therefore the odds-on favorites to wind up in a cast.

I’ve found in my clinical work that the solution to the problem of overprotection can begin with two tasks. First, parents need to make a realistic survey of the risks their children face at home and beyond their front door. Second, they need to assess their children’s capacity to solve their own problems given the risks they face. If we remember that resilience is nurtured when children have the support they need to develop competencies and self-efficacy, then our role as caregivers (and therapists) becomes that of crossing guards, rather than jailors. We can ease children’s successful—if sometimes challenging—transition through danger, rather than sparing them from danger altogether.

Enabling Change

A great deal of neurological evidence shows that facilitated engagement with a mildly stressful environment may be beneficial to a child’s development. Bruce Ellis at the University of Arizona and W. Thomas Boyce at the University of British Columbia have worked together to show that a highly emotionally reactive child (made that way by genetic predisposition or obsessive parenting) can function just fine in a low-stress and well-supported household, but wilts when put into new surroundings. Of course, that doesn’t mean we want to force children to endure rocky lives just to develop a hardy disposition. The best environments for children foster growth, but they don’t overwhelm them with so much shelter that children lack opportunities to develop the skills they’ll need to survive when bad things happen.

I hate blaming parents for messing up their kids, but the truth is that many parents today aren’t doing what they should be doing to ensure their children’s optimal development. We’re seeing an explosion of cases in which love and protection are trumping common sense and science. For example, the therapist of an overly anxious 7-year-old consulted with me because he knew the boy’s anxiety was being triggered by his mother, who constantly reminded him of how dangerous school can be and of his own fragility. Germs are everywhere, the mother told him, so he should always carry a bottle of hand sanitizer and never play in the sandbox. Playground equipment can break bones, so he should never play on the swings or, heaven forbid, the teeter-totter. Strangers are lurking to steal the child in every grocery store, so he must never be out of eye contact with her. As if all that wasn’t bad enough, the boy was expected to succeed at every task, from playing nicely with his friends to reading three grade levels beyond his age. Unsurprisingly, he became insecure and shy whenever his mother left him. He refused to go outside at recess unless an adult accompanied him. In class, if he couldn’t solve a math problem or his drawing wasn’t beautiful enough, he’d throw a tantrum.

We tried asking the boy’s mother to focus less on germs and more on encouraging her son to become healthy and strong by spending time outside. We asked her about her favorite sports growing up (she couldn’t recall any), and we asked her to research the real risks to her child from germs. Despite repeated efforts to have her reconsider what she said to her son, there was little measurable change after several months. It was as if we couldn’t find a way to help her without making her more defensive.

Eventually, we reached out to the boy’s school and his paternal grandfather for whatever help they could offer. The school agreed to give the boy some responsibility, encouraging him to help teach the younger children to read. His grandfather agreed to take the boy out once a week for an adventure: a waterpark, four-wheeling at a nearby farm, or just staying out late enough to watch the fireworks on the Fourth of July. It was difficult to get the mother to agree to these interventions, as small as they were, but since they were being offered by trusted sources of support, they were easier to sell. Finally, we spoke with the boy about his experience of the world and whether he found it dangerous. The more opportunities he had for interesting excursions and assisting the teacher, the more he began to like being with other people. He began making new friends and even stopped refusing to go out at recess.

Since the boy’s mother never really changed, we enlisted the help of external partners to do what she couldn’t bring herself to do: expose her son to risk and responsibility. As a systemic therapist, I sometimes feel strange benching parents to give their children what they need developmentally. But in many cases when anxiety or delinquency reflects overly enmeshed and overly protective parenting, I’ve found that the solutions need to be more ecological. In other words, it’s a matter of changing the environment—which can mean giving kids chances to use an ax when camping, or ride a snowmobile. Even the most vulnerable kids will grow if the environment is rich in opportunities.

The Problems of the Privileged

The pattern of overmonitoring children’s every move and emotional experience shows up in dozens of ways, small and large. Think, for example, of parents who sit and watch their 5-year-old at a soccer practice, the team swarming the ball as it moves from one end of the field to the other. It does a child no good when every time she touches the ball, her parents shout, “Way to go!” and clap enthusiastically. The child has done nothing to merit such praise and, in my experience, can grow up expecting to be the darling of everyone’s attention all the time. That’s not the perfect formula for the kind of individual who can form an equal and loving relationship with another person. According to these kids’ parents, though, nothing should threaten their children’s self-esteem. While these parents mean well, the world of hand sanitizers, net nannies, and oversupervision isn’t giving children the risk-taker’s advantage.

As a therapist, I encounter children when overprotection has led to psychopathology. My role is to remind parents, gently but firmly, that their children need a variety of experiences for normal development, including opportunities to screw up and fix their problems themselves. The work can be exhausting, if only because this always seems like it’s a problem we don’t need to be having. I understand better the need for intervention with children coping with exposure to war, racism, and bullying. But being overprotected in safe communities, with lots of advantages in life? It makes no sense, but it’s a problem of the privileged that doesn’t appear to be going away anytime soon.

Sometimes I succeed in helping families reconsider their obsession with their child’s success and safety; sometimes not so much. What I do know is that often when I’m successful as a therapist, parents who were once overprotective zealots, doing what they’d been told by risk-averse communities, become allies in the battle to change their children’s schools and neighborhoods. They’re the ones pushing for zip lines on the playground, permission for children to throw snowballs during recess, and organizing bike-to-school days.

If overprotection can disadvantage children, why do so many parents continue to bubble-wrap their kids? Should we blame a culture of risk aversion, or the news media’s obsession with sexual assaults on children? Do some parents like to keep their children endlessly dependent? Or do they have such fragile egos that they need their children to be safe and successful so they can feel whole? Individual families offer many reasons for patterns of overprotection that may pose challenges in therapy. What’s clear to me is that parents, whatever their motives, don’t give up patterns of overprotection just because the statistics tell them their communities are safe. Most parents, however, will change when they’re persuaded that they’re disadvantaging their child. After all, they’re fundamentally motivated to see their child succeed. Once they recognize that a mix of a little failure, a lot of responsibility, and some risk can help their child become healthier and happier, they begin to see their children and their role as parents with new eyes. Suddenly, being a good parent no longer seems irreconcilable with learning to lighten up.

Michael Ungar, PhD, is a family therapist and a professor of social work at Dalhousie University, where he codirects the Resilience Research Centre. He’s the author of the bestseller Too Safe for Their Own Good: How Risk and Responsibility Help Teens Thrive.

Tuesday, September 02, 2014

Why ‘Nature Versus Nurture’ Often Doesn’t Matter

This is a brief and basic article, but the idea behind it, that we need to stop distinguishing between biological and social (especially as causes in dysfunctional behavior), is spot on - and I really like the term they mention, “neuropsychosocial.”

Why ‘Nature Versus Nurture’ Often Doesn’t Matter


By Michael White • August 22, 2014

tree-gears
(Photo: abstract/Shutterstock)

Sometimes it just doesn’t make any sense to try to separate the social and the biological.

Every Friday this month we’re taking a look at the relationship between the social and the biological—specifically, how and why the former becomes the latter. Check back next week for the final installment.

When it comes to understanding ourselves, we tend to be splitters: mind and body, nature and nurture, or genes and environment. We take such a split for granted when we ask how the social becomes biological, but sometimes it’s not so useful to dichotomize the world into society and biology. Instead of looking for distinct social and biological influences (and believing that we can change one but not the other), we should recognize that the factors that drive our social behavior can, like a Zen koan, be two things at once.

Take the case of teen alcohol abuse. In a study published last week, an international team of researchers reported the “neuropsychosocial” factors that identify teens who are likely to abuse alcohol. The word “neuropsychosocial” does away with the common nature/nurture divide, and so did the researchers. Rather than asking whether teens abuse alcohol because of social influences or innate biology, the scientists looked at those variables that could be measured, regardless of whether the variables were social, biological, or a mix of both.

The study is part of a long-term European project called IMAGEN, established to understand the “biological and environmental factors that might have an influence on mental health in teenagers.” The project enrolled 2,000 14-year-olds, from whom were collected several types of data, including personal histories, psychological assessments of behavior, brain images, and genetic data. The researchers asked theses teens about their alcohol consumption at the beginning of the study, and then again at age 16. Armed with this data and a relatively large sample size, the scientists set out to answer the question: What neuropsychosocial factors identify teens who abuse alcohol?

In one analysis, the researchers looked for the factors that identified “current” drinkers, 14-year-olds who were already abusing alcohol when the study data were collected. They compared “binge drinkers” (defined as having been drunk at least three times by age 14) to non-drinkers (teens who drank no more than twice before age 16). In a second analysis, they attempted to identify future alcohol abusers—teens who were not drinking at age 14, but went on to get drunk multiple times by age 16. For each of these analyses, they built a computer model that used the measured neuropsychosocial variables to classify teens as drinkers or non-drinkers. The first model correctly identified 82 percent of current binge-drinking teens and 89 percent of non-drinking teens. The second model, predicting future drinkers, didn’t fare quite as well: 66 percent of drinkers and 73 percent of non-drinkers were correctly classified.

The most important identifying factors of current and future alcohol abusers were an inseparable mix of the social and the biological. A look at those factors shows how teasing out distinct social and biological causes would be an analytical nightmare: the different genetic, neurological, and life history variables are linked together in a thicket of feedback connections. For example, a history of romantic or sexual relationships strongly predicted current and future binge drinking behavior. But teen sexual behavior is surely influenced by other variables the researchers measured, like personality (which has a substantial genetic component), and “reward anticipation” or “emotional reactivity,” which were measured using brain imaging. It’s important to keep in mind that the study was not designed to discover which factors cause teen drinking, a much more difficult task. Instead, the researchers focused on what they could measure—an approach that, while it has its limits, is one of science’s most successful strategies.

What are the neuropsychosocial factors that best identify current and future teen drinkers? Some predictive traits include the volume and activity level of certain brain areas: “Future binge drinkers had reduced grey matter volume but increased activity when receiving a reward in the superior frontal gyrus compared to controls.” A personality trait characterized by “searching for, and feeling rewarded by, novel experiences” predicts both current and future teen drinkers. Other factors, like disruptive family events and more developed pubertal status identify current (but not future) drinkers, while “anxiety sensitivity” predicts only future drinkers. Notably, one set of factors that are not very predictive are specific genetic variants associated with alcohol dependence. This isn’t surprising because the individual effect of any one gene on a behavior like alcohol abuse is likely to be small.

With these results, we can we say about the biological basis for the social phenomenon of teen alcohol abuse? Not much more than, “it’s complicated.” And anyway, framing the question like this is a mistake.

We often approach a social problem by splitting it into its social and biological root causes, and assuming that we can change the social ones while working around the supposedly irreversible biological ones. But when it comes to human behavior, this is often not very useful or informative. As the authors write, their data “speak to the multiple causal factors for alcohol misuse,” and, in fact, any one variable, taken in isolation, had a small influence in their study. The predictive power of their computer model came from combining variables that were measurable—regardless of whether they could be neatly categorized as social or biological—into a single risk profile. This profile offers clues for how to find and help at-risk teens, and the most effective interventions may turn out to have little to do with directly treating some key social or biological cause of alcohol abuse. As we think about the connection between our social behavior and our biology, we should, like good scientists, be pragmatic, and abandon the distinction between society and biology when it’s not useful.



Michael White is a systems biologist at the Department of Genetics and the Center for Genome Sciences and Systems Biology at the Washington University School of Medicine in St. Louis, where he studies how DNA encodes information for gene regulation. He co-founded the online science pub The Finch and Pea. Follow him on Twitter @genologos.

More From Michael White

Monday, July 28, 2014

Ingenious: An Interview with Robert Sapolsky (Nautilus)

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Robert Sapolsky is one of the coolest men in science. He is one of the most important and well-known primatologits in the world and he is the author of several best-selling science books, including Monkeyluv: And Other Essays on Our Lives as Animals, A Primate’s Memoir, and Why Zebras Don’t Get Ulcers.


The current issue of Nautilus featured an essay by Sapolsky, Dude, Where’s My Frontal Cortex?, and the interview offered below. If you go to the Nautilus site, they present the interview in a series of videos. The transcript is below.

Ingenious: Robert Sapolsky

The primatologist and neurologist talks turbulence—teens, stress, and the information age.

By Kevin Berger | Produced by Yvonne Bang
July 24, 2014

When we asked Robert Sapolsky what he might like to write about for the Nautilus Turbulence issue, he responded, “adolescence.” We had to laugh because the idea just seemed so perfect. Is there a more turbulent time in our lives? But is adolescence really a demarcated period in human life, biologically speaking, or just a modern cultural construct created, seemingly, by Mountain Dew? In fact, teens are their own beasts. Or their brains are. “The adolescent brain is not merely an adult brain that is half-cooked, or a child’s brain left unrefrigerated for too long,” Sapolsky said. As he explains in his Nautilus essay, “Dude, Where’s My Frontal Cortex?,” the teen brain, for all its famous downsides, such as a sullen love for Morrissey, is a necessary stage in human development’s slow dance, an incubation time for social intelligence.

Sapolsky built his career on a facet of turbulence: stress; in particular, stress-related diseases in Savanna baboons. At age 21 he ventured to Kenya to study a troop of baboons. He would return to Kenya for more than 30 years to detail the troop’s lives and families. The bookish kid from Brooklyn whose rebellion against his religious upbringing took the form of, well, “I wanted to be a mountain gorilla,” matched his fieldwork in primatology with lab work in neuroscience. Today, with best-selling science books like A Primate’s Memoir and Why Zebras Don’t Get Ulcers, as well as a MacArthur Fellows “Genius Award,” behind him, Sapolsky is a professor of biology, neurology, and neurosurgery at Stanford University.

For somebody who has happily spent a part of his life in jungles, Sapolsky lives in what has to be the most appropriate place in San Francisco, a tiny hillside neighborhood under a grove of tall redwood and eucalyptus trees. In a clearly well-lived-in dining room, near a piano on which stood a big and slightly ragged toy stuffed impala, Sapolsky sat with Nautilus for hours of conversation about turbulence, teens, and what the Internet is doing to our brains. Anybody who has read Sapolsky’s books knows him. The humane and witty writer, whose deep knowledge glides personably across the page, with just the right dash of sarcasm, is the man himself in person. Ask him a question and he loves to tell you a story.

Interview Transcript


Is there a period in human development when we have a “teenage brain?”

That’s a great question because there is even the issue that has been raised as to whether adolescence is “for real” in a biological sense. I mean, there’s plenty of cultures where essentially, you know, you’re married off to somebody when you’re 13 or some such thing, and all you are is like an adult with acne, that it’s not a special stage. And the suggestion that this is something that the West kind of invented, dealing with the fact that there’s now viewed as a delay between when one starts one’s main occupation, when one finishes education, and at the earlier end when the hormones start. Ah, we’ll call this magical period in between adolescence. So if it’s just an artificial construct, everything the brain is doing during development should just be in a smooth curve like this, where somewhere arbitrarily oops, that’s what we call adolescence is starting. Made-up concept. But that’s not what you see, because it is distinctive.

Parts of the brain are pretty much going full bore by the time you’re a year old, 5 years old. There’s parts of the brain, the limbic system which is involved centrally in emotion, which are pretty much all there by the time adolescence is starting. Then another distinctive feature of adolescence, which tells you it’s not just this: The hormones start. So what’s the frontal cortex doing there? The easiest picture would be if it’s the one that’s just sluggishly going on. That’s not what you see though. Interestingly, by the beginning of adolescence your frontal cortex is bigger than it’ll be as an adult.

Okay, what’s this about? This turns out to be this incredibly cool thing that mammalian brains evolved, which was, at least during fetal development, you make more neurons than you actually need. And what you do then is you run a wiring competition, and the neurons that don’t wire up optimally, you get rid of them. And during normal fetal development, a huge number of neurons are killed in this non-diseased, very controlled sort of way and clear them out of there. What are you doing? You’re pruning down to your sort of mean, lean neural circuitry. What the frontal cortex is about is, it doesn’t get to that point until you’re about 13 years old, that point of having the maximal number of neurons, and then what adolescence is about is pruning it away.

So it’s a very distinctive stage and it’s one where the problem isn’t you don’t have enough frontal cortex, you have an excessive, discombobulated, inefficient, poorly wired-up neurons in your frontal cortex. What adolescence is about is by trial and error, honing a frontal cortex that is going to be more optimal by the time you’re 25.

How would you explain teenage brain chemistry to parents?

How should one think about the chemistry of it? You’ve got the part of the brain which for a living sits there and says, “I wouldn’t do that if I were you;” “Stop and think about what happened last time;” “This is going to feel great in three seconds but you might very well regret this for the rest of your days.” It’s not fully functional yet. You’ve got this emotive part of the brain, the limbic system, that’s going full blast. You’ve got hormones thrown in there. And hormones not just in the, oh, torrents of hormones right around puberty, you’ve got a lot of oscillations of them. I mean a defining feature, if you were female, female primate, is your reproductive hormones oscillate all over the place during one’s point of ovulation, menses, back and forth. When you’re just hitting puberty, for the first couple of years of so you’re not even ovulating a certain percentage of the cycles, so you have fluctuation and then flat low and then fluctuation. So you’re having fluctuations in the fluctuations. It’s all over the place. And those hormones have tons of effects in the brain.

Probably the best way to thinking about sort of this turbulence of adolescence is this neurotransmitter dopamine. Dopamine, a totally cool neurotransmitter. It’s centrally involved in pleasure. Cocaine works on the dopamine system. What people have realized it’s not so much about pleasure; it’s about the anticipation of pleasure. It’s about the pursuit of pleasure, which is so much more addictive than the pleasure itself. Interesting neurobiology backing that up.

So what’s dopamine doing in the adolescent brain? Dopamine having to do with this reward stuff. Oh, is there is so much more of it than in an adult? No wonder they’re bonkers. Oh is there so much less and they just need that much more of an experiential oomph to get the same rise? No, the average levels are the same. What you’ve got is a different dynamic pattern. Beautiful studies. Okay, take an adult and you put them in a brain scanner and you can see how active this dopamine reward system is and you give them some task and they get a little reward and the dopamine system goes up a little bit. Give them a medium size, it goes up medium; big reward, it goes up all the way. Makes sense. Stick a teenager in the brain scanner. Give them the medium-sized reward and it goes up the same as you would see in the adult. Give them the big reward, it goes through the roof. Give them the little reward, does it not go up, quite…? It goes down and drops below where it started! For a teenager, a small reward is deprivation. The highs are higher, the lows are negatives or aversive. You’ve got the central neurochemistry there that’s just this gyroscope, completely out of control. That really central to what’s it about.

How would you describe yourself as a teenager?

Well, when I was a teenager I was terribly bookish. I was very studious. I had a pathological need to cross my Ts and get various adults to pat me on the head. My adolescent rebellions took the form of, if anything, passive aggressively doing what was asked of me but doing it ten times more than what was asked of me, so that eventually they’d have to beg me to stop. … Studying at the cost of socialization. I was raised in a very religious orthodox setting and right around the point where I decided I didn’t believe a word of this anymore, rather than refusing to do prayers, I just upped the volume of them and upped the frequency and upped the ritualism to the point that I had to be sort of suggested that, “It’s wonderful, but maybe it can get out of hand a little bit.” So I did sort of a paradoxical intervention with my parents. … Oh, if you’re like sufficiently orthodox in kind of the brand of Judaism I was raised in, there’s like prayers for everything you can do there, and if you like in the name of great devotion and honoring all the strictures you were raised in that you bring just everything to a halt every eight seconds because the rabbis suggest that… This turns out to be enormously irritating to parents and that much more so because they really can’t get you on anything there. So that’s what my adolescence was like.

Is the intensity of teen experiences what causes them to stick with us?

Well, yup. Part of it is the intensity. Adolescence amid everything else, is also characterized by, “emotions are felt more intensely,” and if you don’t believe an adolescent when they tell you or if you don’t believe it back when you were, stick someone in a brain scanner and show a picture of a scary face, a part of the brain called the amygdala activates and in an adolescent, it activates more. It activates longer. Parts of the brain having to do with responding dopamine to a pleasurable stimulus, bigger, longer, in the same sort… So the emotions are more intense and the formative aspects of it. That’s when you’re in your first window of really developing your own tastes where the most like important fact in the entire world is for you to communicate to the universe how different you are from any generation that came before you—and especially your parents—and it’s defined then.

Some misanthrope of an adolescent or early adult shows up and invents an entirely new cultural style and you’ve got a Stravinsky or you’ve got an Elvis or whatever, and your whole generation identifies with it and then 30 years later you’re sitting there and saying, “Well, if this music was good enough when we were defeating Hitler or liking Ike or sleeping together at Woodstock, it’s certainly still good enough now; and forget whatever garbage these 18-year-olds are listening to—I know what’s good music.” So a mechanism for why the novelty comes roaring in adolescence or early adulthood, and this is one of the mechanisms for why that window seems to close down afterward—this peer identification. That being said though, a rat, an adult rat, that’s not willing to try a new food is not doing it because that rat feels more connected to its fraternity bros and this is the stuff we ate back when so this is what I’m going to eat forever. There’s something much more biological going on there as well.

What’s the evolutionary purpose of having a teenage brain?

Great question. So why should it be this way? If you’re of a certain evolutionary biology bent, what you’re basically asking is what’s the adaptive advantage to adolescence, to the frontal cortex being delayed in its maturation? One possible answer is there’s no adaptive advantage, that this is an unavoidable aspect of brain development. Frontal cortex is incredibly fancy. You want to wire up your olfactory system, that one’s pretty much in place by the time you’re three days old. You want to wire up the frontal cortex, maybe that’s a 25-year building project. Maybe adolescence is just this emergent, epiphenomenal hiccup that comes from the fact that this is just the biggest building project your brain has.

I don’t find that one very convincing because the frontal cortex, you’re not using different building blocks than the rest of the brain. It’s the same types of neurons, it’s the same neurotransmitters, it’s the same layered structures in the rest of the cortex. It’s not that much harder of a building project. It shouldn’t take five times longer to wire it up than other parts of the cortex. So I don’t think it’s just baggage that emerged from how hard it is to build a frontal cortex.

So what might be the adaptive advantage? One thing that immediately comes to mind is oh, there’s something adaptive about teenage turbulence. There’s something enriching, there’s something—that’s where our new culture comes from, that’s where our new inventions came from. No doubt, you know, the person who invented the wheel had a horrible problem with acne at the time, and was 17 and figured this would get them laid or who knows what? Maybe, the advantage of adolescence has been the creativity, the generativity of adolescence. So that’s kind of cool.

I’m skeptical about that one though because the evolutionary behavior isn’t that organisms behave for the good of the species. Organisms behave to pass on more copies of their genes and adolescence is the time of life where your adolescent behavior is far more likely to have you break your neck and not pass on copies of your genes than for the adolescent turbulence to facilitate that process.

What I’ve been thinking might actually be going on is that adolescence is something unavoidable that emerges not because it’s so cool and adaptive, but because the adaptive thing is wait a long, long time before you have fully wired up your frontal cortex. Why might that be the case? Alright, so we’re born with our genome, the combination of your mother and father’s genes, that wind up in that first fertilized egg and that’s it. That’s your genetic legacy. Every cell in your body is destined to have that exact same genome. That turns out not to be true in all sorts of interesting ways, but what that also means is that when you’re thinking about what genes have to do with the brain behavior, by definition critically, if the frontal cortex is the last part of the brain to develop it’s the part of the brain least shaped by genes, and most sculpted by the environment and experience. And I think basically the only way you can have a species that is as complex and socially resilient and socially context dependent and all those amazing things we do, the only way you can pull that off is to have a frontal cortex whose development just bears the imprint of everything you experienced along the way—in effect, that’s been freed from whatever extent the genes are deterministic, which is not very. I think ironically what the evolution of the frontal cortex has been about is genetic evolution to free it as much as possible from the straight jacket of genes.

What’s the purpose of breaking free of our genes?

Well, when you look at the sociology of humans, of primate species, when you look at evolution, when you look at anthropology, cross-cultural differences, etcetera—being smart is a useful thing evolutionarily. Primates definitely have an advantage over stickleback fish in terms of the size of their nervous systems. Having a good memory is good, learning a lot, motoric coordination. When you look at the really fancy stuff about social behavior and what determines “success” in sort of the broadest sense of the term, what it’s got to do is appropriate social behavior. You know in the human realm that’s that whole world of your social intelligence is a better predictor of how you’re going to do by all sorts of measures in life than your IQ. You look at a baboon and you ask, “Okay, a male baboon. What determines whether or not you wind up being the alpha in your troop?” Mostly, your muscle mass, how sharp your canines are, how aggressive of a son of a bitch you are. Okay, that’s got tons to do with whether you attain alpha-ship. What’s the predictor of who maintains it for a long time? It’s all social intelligence. It’s who you can intimidate without actually getting into a fight. It’s which coalitions you form and which ones you don’t go anywhere near. It’s which provocations you walk away from. It’s all about impulse control. And when you look at the really complex primates, success is really not about remembering that, “Oh four valleys over there’s a tree that’s going to be fruiting at this time of year; let’s go there this morning.” It’s the social intelligence stuff and what that’s all about is the frontal cortex. If you don’t have a frontal cortex that has been shaped by the subtleties and the idiosyncrasies of your immediate social world, you’re not going to be anywhere near successful of a primate. And I think that’s why it’s got to be the part of the brain that’s the last to develop. It’s got to be shaped by all that contextual stuff.

Neurobiology sometimes seems so reductive. Do you worry about that?

Absolutely. … Well, for one thing, because there’s a certain style of ideological laziness that makes one grab onto reductive explanations for behaviors. Here is the gene that explains. Here’s the hormone, the brain chemical, the childhood experience, the… Because reductive single explanations for behavior are just ripe for ideological misinterpretation, distortion, all of that. But off that political bandwagon, because reductionism doesn’t actually tell you a whole lot about how this stuff works. I mean reductionism is perfect for like telling you why your clock is broken. What you do is you break it down to its component parts. You find the part that’s got a tooth missing from the gear. I guess there’s not a clock on earth that works this way anymore, but your Renaissance clock. You fix the missing tooth, you put it back, you add the pieces back together and it works. The way to understand a complicated system is to understand its component parts. The way in which that steps away from the ideology is the component parts of the genes and the nerve transmitters and the hormones and the early experience. Okay, so that’s a more sophisticated version of reductionism. You got to be reductive about lots of different domains. But nonetheless, even that more multidisciplinary version of reductionism isn’t going to work because that’s not how complex systems work and humans are a complex system. You got these emergent non-linear chaotic properties. What’s that another way of saying? If you knew every individual’s genome and exactly which gene was active at which point, are you going to be able to predict who’s going to do what next? Absolutely not. If you added in knowing the levels of every hormone in their body at that point, if you added in… it doesn’t work that way. The reductionism breaks down because the reductionism breaks down in the same way that like a cloud that isn’t producing enough rain during a drought or something, the solution isn’t to study half the cloud and then get a research grant to study a quarter of the cloud and smaller, smaller pieces and finally understand the reductive basis of the non-rain and add it up together. That’s not how clouds work when they don’t rain. Humans are more like clouds than they are like clocks. We’re not reductive in that way, which is the case for any complex system.

I know this sounds like a dumb question, but what is stress?

Well, it’s actually a great question and like it’s virtually guaranteed at any conference of biologists who study stress that some grand old Pooh-Bah, emeritus guy is trotted out to give the first talk of the conference and the first talk is always going to be titled, “What is Stress?” where they’re going to conclude at the end that more research is needed, send me a grant. And I haven’t reached that point yet, fortunately, but I’m sure that’s in my future.

So what is stress? The answer is, it depends. It depends on what species you are. If you’re your average, off-the-rack mammal, what stress is about is somebody is chasing you intent on eating you or you are chasing somebody very intent on eating them. It’s a short-term physical crisis and the whole point of that stress response in the vast majority of species is, you get these changes in your body, various hormones and neural systems and, you’ve got this whole set of coordinated responses and what they’re designed to do is to save your neck in that circumstance, to shut off everything that’s not essential. You’re running for your life, thicken your uterine walls some other day, to deliver energy from storage places to exercising muscle to increase blood pressure and heart rate, to turn off growth, to turn off reproductive stuff, you know all of it’s built around solving the next three minutes or the next three hours. And in that regard, what stress is about is an external challenge to your homeostatic balance and what the body does at that point is incredibly conserved evolutionarily. You get essentially the same stress response, the same hormones if you’re looking at a primate, a fish, a bird, a reptile. This is ancient, ancient wiring.

So what’s stress? Then you get a different definition when you start thinking about smart social species like us. Stress can be, yes, somebody is very intent on eating you, the short-term physical crisis, but in addition, stress can be when you think you’re just about to have a crisis. And that could be true. You can have an anticipatory stress response, which is very adaptive. On the other hand if you think you’re just about to have one of those challenging crises, and that’s not really the case, it’s not true, and you think that way all the time, you’re being neurotic, you’re being paranoid, you’re being hostile, and you’re being profoundly human. I mean, sit down a hippo and try to describe why it’s possible to increase your heart rate by thinking about the fact that someday your heart is going to stop beating and the hippo’s going to have no idea what you’re talking about. And that’s the critical thing with us as humans. We can turn on the stress response—the same stress response as an animal running for its life—we turn it on for psychological reasons. And that’s the distinctive thing that does us in; that’s not what it evolved for. It evolved for dealing with a short-term crisis, yet we turn it on for 30-year mortgages. That’s where you pay the price.

What’s the price we pay for stress?

At its worst, there’s just virtually no organ system in your body that’s not thrown out of kilter in some way by chronic psychological stress. Big dichotomy is between whether stress causes disease or stress exacerbates pre-existing disease or—actually trichotomy, whether stress changes your behaviors in a direction that put you more at risk for disease. Evidence isn’t that great for stress causing disease but what it potentiates is all sorts of other pathologies. You’re on the edge of diabetes, insulin-resistant diabetes, adult onset, and what stress does is tell your fat cells, “What a great idea, being insulin resistant; get even more so.” You suffer from hypertension due to arteries that are not particularly clear. What does stress do? “Let’s increase blood pressure even more.” It exacerbates. At the behavioral end, what stress also does is, it makes you crave foods that are not good for you. It makes your self-discipline break down. It impairs functioning of the frontal cortex. You do things that are less prudent for your health. People make imprudent decisions. Their judgment gets worse when they are stressed. So you’ve got a whole realm. Cardiovascular disease, gastrointestinal, reproductive, function, immune function, memory, mood, vulnerability to depression and anxiety—all of these are areas that are vulnerable to chronic stress.

What is the flood of online information doing to us?

Okay, so one of the sort of key findings when looking at what is it that makes psychological stress stressful, for the same external unpleasantry, you feel more subjectively stressed, and you’re more likely to turn on the stress response if you feel like you don’t have control, you don’t have predictability, you don’t have outlets, you don’t have social support. Brilliantly clear studies showing things like an individual gets a mild shock every now and then, oh, their blood pressure goes up. Individual gets the same pattern of shocks, but ten seconds before each shock, a little warning comes on. They don’t get as much of a stress response. Oh, predictability is a good thing. Predictability about an adverse event that’s coming tells you how bad it’s going to be, when is it going to happen, how long is it going to last, predictability information is good, that’s a mantra in the field.

But, what you see is, what you don’t want is the wrong kind of information. Information about stuff you can’t change; information that’s overwhelming; information that suggests the uncontrollable should be controllable; information about what’s already occurred; information that’s superfluous; information about stuff long in advance. Take somebody who’s getting the shocks and they get the warning light half a second before—there’s no benefits. Ten seconds before, it’s helpful. Thirty seconds before, it makes things worse, because you’re sitting there for 30 seconds saying, “Here it comes, here it comes, here it comes.” Information predictability is great, but within a certain narrow range. Too much information and it’s just as stressful as too little, and what we specialize in in society, of course, is inundating ourselves 24/7 with information.

So is the Internet making us ill?


Well, I don’t know if quite to that extent, but I don’t think overall it’s doing great things. Yeah, we’re inundated with more information than we need. We’re inundated with more false choices than we need because we’re suckered very often into thinking that those choices will actually make a meaningful difference. If you can only get your head straight and pick which of the 27 different versions of gluten-free breakfast cereal, your life will be…you will die a happy person. “Oh, if only I can sort through this, what’s wrong? I’m so stressed that I can’t figure out what…” You know, we’re inundated with nonsense decisions, nonsense information. That’s not stress reducing. That’s stressful.

What’s the best way to manage stress?

One of the best forms of stress management out there is social support. Rat gets shocks now and then, if it can huddle with another rat that it knows and likes and they groom each other—not as much of a stress response. Same thing with primates, including us, like person is sitting there having some unpleasant scary medical procedure, a catheterization, blood pressure goes up. They get to sit there holding the hand of somebody they know and trust, doesn’t go up as much. Yes, social support is great. Writ small it’s great; writ large, the impact of social isolation on mortality is very, very well documented by now and sort of all the behavioral medicine on a certain level is influenced by that.

Okay, so social support is great, social support is great. When is it not great? When you mistake any intimate for someone who turns out to be an acquaintance; when you mistake having sustained social support with a series of one day or one night interactions; the whole world of the versions of socialization that people look for in our society that ultimately, doesn’t quite do it. But what’s interesting, and an area I’ve gotten increasingly interested in, is sort of social support as a stress management technique in a cross-cultural setting. And social support reduces stress in different ways and different cultures.

For example, you get people in the United States and when they’re stressed it’s good for them to get together with friends and what do they mostly do? They want to get together with a friend so they can bitch and moan about how awful their situation is. You get somebody from a collectivist society, and these are typically studies of East Asian populations, when they’re stressed they seek out social support of close friends. What do they do then? They try to get the friend to talk about their life and their problems as a means of distracting, as a means of you know reifying their relationship in this. We do totally different things in different cultures.

In individualistic cultures, like ours, you ask somebody, “Tell me about times that you’ve influenced somebody else? And tell me about times that somebody else has influenced you?” Westerners come up with much longer lists of times they’ve influenced somebody else. I am the captain of my own ship. Get East Asian populations, same thing, they come up with more examples of times they have been influenced by somebody else, talking about when you’ve influenced somebody as bragging, as standing out, as not belonging all of that. Now take the westerner and say “oh, so tell me about one of those in detail?” Time they influenced somebody else, terrific. Time somebody influenced them, they turn on the stress response. Having to admit that they are influenced, they are not this autonomous John Wayne figure of western individualism. Somebody from east Asia, get them to talk about a time they’ve influenced somebody else, they turn on the stress response, so the cultural stuff works very differently amid the general theme of social support is a good thing. But people vary dramatically, and not just by culture, as to what counts as supportive.

Do online social relationships help or harm us?

Well, this is for lots of scientists a $64 question. What’s this world that’s being created by online relationships? It’s easy for me, from my generational perspective to decide this is wildly artificial, distortive, narrow, a paucity of true connectiveness there. It’s clear looking at teenagers that that’s not the case in the slightest. Handful of studies looking at, for example, adolescents when stressed about something—I think it was somebody who just had to give a public talk or something, a kid, experimental setting—they can either hear their mother’s voice or get a text from their mother. The voice works better. There’s something more real there, so that suggests an artificiality. At the same time, studies are first coming out now suggesting that marriages derived from online dating are just as stable as are ones from traditional. You know, the jury’s out on all of it. It seems weird as hell to meet people, to know people exclusively online, but nonetheless without question, the grandfathers of the sociologist studying this now were studying back when. Well, what’s this mean that you can have a telephone relationship with somebody? Somebody you can be in love with can live on the other side of the country and you interact with them daily without actually seeing their facial expressions? I suspect it’ll wind up being exactly the same.

What would you be if you weren’t a scientist?

Well, obviously I’d be a gorilla. What else would I be? Basketball’s out. I don’t know. I’ve spent such a long time knowing I was going to do this someday. When I was in high school, I took one of those “Learn It On Your Own” courses in Swahili because I knew I was going to go study primates in East Africa someday, so I’ve spent such a long time like in this mindset and being very content throughout that I really haven’t spent a whole lot of time thinking about my road not taken. I’m pretty content with this one.

Thursday, July 10, 2014

What Happens to the Cool Kids When They Grow Up?


I could easily have been one of the subjects of this study. As an adolescent and teen I was desperate to be "cool," to be seen as mature, and to be "popular." It never really happened, and in some ways I was heading down the path these kids traveled - more relationship difficulties, higher rates of drug and alcohol abuse.

Fortunately for me, I bottomed out as an 18-19 year old, dropped out of the world I had been living in (including leaving behind my friends from high school), and then went back to school (after flunking out of my first college).

The kids in the study didn't make the same changes:
Allen's team said their results show that "early adolescent attempts to gain status via pseudomature behaviour are not simply passing annoyances of this developmental stage, but rather may signal movement down a problematic pathway and away from progress toward real psychosocial competence."
Hitting my bottom and becoming introspective (thank you Plato, Aristotle, Shakespeare, Walt Whitman, St Theresa, Mirabi, Rumi, and so many others) saved my life. AND it allowed me to do some growing up that I failed to do as a teenager (no one grows up psychologically when they are high or drunk much of the time).

What happens to the cool kids when they grow up?

Wednesday, July 2, 2014


"Cool kids", according to a new study, are those early teens (aged 13 to 15) who want to be popular, and try to impress their peers by acting older than their years. They have precocious romantic relationships, commit relatively minor acts of bad behaviour (such as sneaking into the cinema without paying), and surround themselves with good-looking friends. These teenagers attract respect from their peers at first, but what's the story by the time they reach early adulthood?

Joseph Allen and his colleagues made contact with 184 thirteen-year-olds (98 girls) from a diverse range of backgrounds, living in the Southeastern United States. They interviewed them at that age, and then again when they were aged 14 and 15. The researchers also contacted some of their close friends and peers. Finally, the sample and their friends were followed up again a decade later, when they were aged 21 to 23.

There were short-term advantages to being a cool kid - these teens tended to be popular when they were in early adolescence. However, this popularity began to fade through teenhood. And ten years later, the cool kids were at greater risk for alcohol and drug problems, more serious criminal behaviour, and, according to their friends, they struggled with their platonic and romantic relationships. As adults, cool kids also tended to blame their recent relationship break ups on their partner not thinking they were popular enough - as if they were still viewing life through the immature lens of cool.

Allen's team said their results show that "early adolescent attempts to gain status via pseudomature behaviour are not simply passing annoyances of this developmental stage, but rather may signal movement down a problematic pathway and away from progress toward real psychosocial competence." They think cool kids' preoccupation with being precocious and rebellious gets in the way of them developing important socialisation skills. It's also likely that as they get older, cool kids feel the need to engage in ever greater acts of rebellion to command respect from their peers.

Is it possible that the researchers were simply measuring a propensity to deviance and criminality in early adolescence, making their longitudinal findings unsurprising? They don't think so. They point out that serious criminality, and alcohol and cannabis use, in early adulthood were more strongly correlated with being a cool kid in early adolescence (i.e. as measured by desire for popularity; precious romantic relationships; minor deviance; and surrounding oneself with good-looking friends) than with alcohol and drug use, and criminality at that time.

The study is not without limitations - for example, cool kids were found to lose their popularity through adolescence, but this was based on a measure of their peers' desire to be with them, not on their status. It's also possible they retained or earned popularity with teens older than them. Nonetheless, Allen and his team said their findings are novel and show that the "seemingly minor behaviours" associated with being a cool kid "predict far greater future risk than has heretofore been recognised."

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Allen JP, Schad MM, Oudekerk B, & Chango J (2014, Jun 11). What Ever Happened to the "Cool" Kids? Long-Term Sequelae of Early Adolescent Pseudomature Behavior. Child Development; Epub ahead of print. doi: 10.1111/cdev.12250 | PMID: 24919537
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What Ever Happened to the "Cool" Kids? Long-Term Sequelae of Early Adolescent Pseudomature Behavior.

Allen JP, Schad MM, Oudekerk B, Chango J.

Abstract

Pseudomature behavior-ranging from minor delinquency to precocious romantic involvement-is widely viewed as a nearly normative feature of adolescence. When such behavior occurs early in adolescence, however, it was hypothesized to reflect a misguided overemphasis upon impressing peers and was considered likely to predict long-term adjustment problems. In a multimethod, multireporter study following a community sample of 184 adolescents from ages 13 to 23, early adolescent pseudomature behavior was linked cross-sectionally to a heightened desire for peer popularity and to short-term success with peers. Longitudinal results, however, supported the study's central hypothesis: Early adolescent pseudomature behavior predicted long-term difficulties in close relationships, as well as significant problems with alcohol and substance use, and elevated levels of criminal behavior.

Friday, April 25, 2014

Teenage Brainstorm (Dr. Dan Siegel) - All in the Mind


Last weekend's episode of All in the Mind featured an interview with author and neuropsychiatrist Dr. Daniel Siegel, talking about his most recent book on the teenage brain, Brainstorm: The Power and Purpose of the Teenage Brain (2104).

Teenage Brainstorm

Sunday 20 April 2014
All in the Mind | Lynne Malcolm

When you’re a teenager, life is on fire, wildly exciting with limitless possibilities. It can also be overwhelming and dangerous. In the past raging hormones have been blamed – but we’re now learning that it’s down to the very particular and important way that the adolescent brain develops. Professor Dan Siegel has researched the brain and emotional development of children and now he focuses on the emerging adolescent mind during the years between 12 and 24. With a new understanding of the science and purpose behind this stage of development he suggests ways for young people to capture the positive essence of adolescence, based on mindful awareness techniques.

Audio: Hear about the Wheel of Awareness practice, one of Dr Dan Siegel’s mindsight exercises | Download MP3 (2.9MB)

Guests 

Professor Daniel J. SiegelClinical professor of psychiatry, University of California Los Angeles, Author

Publications

Brainstorm: The Power and Purpose of the Teenage Brain
Daniel J. Siegel (2014)
An Inside-Out Guide to The Emerging Adolescent Mind, Ages 12 to 24

Mindsight: The New Science of Personal Transformation
Daniel J. Siegel (2010)
Change your brain and your life

Further Information  


Saturday, September 28, 2013

What If the Best Remedy for a Broken Family Is No Family at All?


This excellent article from Pacific Standard Magazine looks at the San Pasqual Academy, a non-profit group home that can serve about 180 kids, located in the San Diego area of Southern California. This facility exists because families fail - and when teenagers are involved, families tend to fail in violence, neglect, and suffering, especially for the kids.
The academy believes teenagers should bond with a community of their peers and a group of adults rather than be folded into a series of potentially dysfunctional families. The concept can be reduced to a simple truth: There is no time. There are more than 60,000 foster children in California alone, and it can take years even to try to rehabilitate troubled biological parents or family members, or find stable adoptive parents.
On average, foster children will have three family placements, but for teenagers it's not uncommon for teenagers to end up living in 10 to 12 different homes. By the time a kid is 12, if s/he is still living in foster care you have a single-digit chance of being adopted (if you want to be - and not all kids do).
In fact, a teenage girl in foster care is more likely to get pregnant than to get adopted. Somewhere near 25 percent of foster care kids become homeless.
The way they have structured San Pasqual is highly unique and represents a new model with traditional values.
[Situated on] 238-acre parcel of land, San Pasqual Academy’s $14 million campus includes a small public high school, an organic farm, a fire station, a colony of subsidized housing for seniors (who serve as surrogate grandparents), a swimming pool, a technology center, and a manicured football field. Up to eight students live in each cottage with one or two adults, who cook meals, help with homework, and enforce bedtime. The adults are there to offer an approximation of parental support when needed, but the main focus of San Pasqual is to establish a structure whereby the kids can create their own community—and bond with it.
They have a graduation rate twice that of foster kids in California. Their students are required to participate in extracurricular activities, in job training, get summer internships, and apply for college (the Friends of San Pasqual non-profit helps raise money for tuition).

Granted, this program does not accept kids with a background in violence or serious chemical addiction. And the kids have to show some desire to be there and to get an education. Still, we need more schools set up on this kind of model.

What If the Best Remedy for a Broken Family Is No Family at All?

The San Pasqual Academy argues we should let foster teenagers create their own tribe.


September 16, 2013 • By Natasha Vargas-Cooper


(ILLUSTRATION: MARK MCGINNIS)

Between the ages of eight and 16, Nora lived in 32 foster-care settings. She lived in emergency shelters for children, in the homes of well-intentioned short-stay foster parents, and at home during her mother’s brief bouts of sobriety. One of her foster families would not allow Nora (not her real name) to bring her belongings inside; she had to change her clothes in the garage. She was in her last placement for four months when her foster family decided to move—and leave her behind.

Foster children have a median number of three family placements, but many teenagers end up living in 10 to 12 different homes. If you’re still in foster care by the time you’re 12, you have a single-digit chance of being adopted if you want to be. In fact, a teenage girl in foster care is more likely to get pregnant than to get adopted. Somewhere near 25 percent of foster care kids become homeless. So, even though Nora was non-violent, sober, and free of physical and emotional disorders, her prospects were grim. The surest way for Nora to have had a fixed address, attend the same school, and establish some routine would have been placement in a group home, a highly restrictive setting usually reserved for teenagers with behavioral problems—and one of the lowest rungs on the ladder of foster-care placements.

What was unusual about Nora was her ambition. “I wanted two things more than anything,” Nora says. “I wanted to make sure my mom took better care of my younger sister than she did of me, and I wanted to go to college.” And Nora had great grades. So her social worker recommended she enroll in San Pasqual Academy, an unorthodox—some would say controversial—group home and boarding school for foster kids near San Diego, California.

What happened after that wasn’t what society has come to expect from kids who’ve lived in group homes. Nora graduated from high school, then college, and is now in her final year of graduate school. Census data reveals that about three percent of foster children earn college degrees, a tenth of the national average, but Nora’s story isn’t uncommon for San Pasqual.

TODAY, FOSTER-CARE POLICY tends to be leveraged on the assumption that a family structure best serves a child’s interests. Ideally, that would mean biological parents or relatives. But even a substitute family is considered preferable to (and more cost effective than) a group home. To be sure, research shows this is true for very young children.

San Pasqual, a non-profit that can serve about 180 kids, exists because families fail. And when teenagers are involved, families tend to fail most spectacularly. The academy believes teenagers should bond with a community of their peers and a group of adults rather than be folded into a series of potentially dysfunctional families. The concept can be reduced to a simple truth: There is no time. There are more than 60,000 foster children in California alone, and it can take years even to try to rehabilitate troubled biological parents or family members, or find stable adoptive parents.

For kids stuck in the churn of the national foster-care system through their teens, prospects for adulthood are bleak. Almost 60 percent of those who age out of the national foster-care system wind up unemployed, and more than 20 percent of young people who arrive at homeless shelters come directly from foster care. According to the Brookings Institution, 80 percent of males who have been in long-term foster care, and 57 percent of females, have been arrested at some point (compare that to 17 and four percent in the general population).

“The foster-care system is pernicious,” says retired family court judge Jim Milliken, one of the founders of San Pasqual Academy. “It’s damaging for the kids that stay too long. The vast majority of them end up with bonding disorders. They get psychological damage from never having a secure, permanent place.”

Milliken, at almost 70, is a pink-faced man with a white mop and glassy blue eyes who served for eight years as the presiding judge over San Diego County’s juvenile court. When he began his tenure in 1996, he was appalled that the average time between a child’s removal from home and landing a long-term placement was 34 months (22 more months than it’s supposed to take). Milliken instituted reforms, and family reunification rates tripled under his watch. But for all that he accomplished, he was acutely aware of the courts’ continuing failures.

“I looked around and we had all these kids who were turning 13 and 14 years old and have been in the system for years. They were being sent off to group homes because they didn’t want to go to another stranger’s house,” Milliken says. “They want to go to the same school and claim some independence.”

San Pasqual’s public school boasts a graduation rate twice that of foster kids statewide. (PHOTO: COURTESY OF SAN PASQUAL ACADEMY)

NESTLED IN ONE OF San Diego’s lush coastal canyons, on a 238-acre parcel of land, San Pasqual Academy’s $14 million campus includes a small public high school, an organic farm, a fire station, a colony of subsidized housing for seniors (who serve as surrogate grandparents), a swimming pool, a technology center, and a manicured football field. Up to eight students live in each cottage with one or two adults, who cook meals, help with homework, and enforce bedtime. The adults are there to offer an approximation of parental support when needed, but the main focus of San Pasqual is to establish a structure whereby the kids can create their own community—and bond with it.

San Pasqual, modeled after a similar academy in Israel, is the only home of its kind in the United States. And Milliken says its graduation rate is near 90 percent, as compared to 45 percent for foster youth statewide.

“I only believed half the things I read about the school,” Nora tells me over the phone from her apartment in Northern California. She was accepted into one of the school’s first graduating classes. Her San Pasqual college counselors helped her apply for grants, scholarships, and loans for her undergraduate and graduate education. Any gaps in Nora’s university funding, San Pasqual filled. “I mean, that’s more than a lot of families can do, so I’m pretty grateful,” Nora says. She has a polite lilt to her voice and adds, “I also got here because of me.”

To be accepted at San Pasqual, for the most part, students can’t have a bad history of violence or substance addiction (the state licenses schools to house various “classifications” of foster kids, but San Pasqual has some discretion and flexibility). They don’t have to be strong academically, but they do have to demonstrate that they want to be there, which means they have to request admission, even if a court recommends them. Students are required to take on extracurricular activities, undergo job training, get summer internships, and apply for college (the Friends of San Pasqual non-profit helps raise money for tuition).

RIGHT OUTSIDE HAIFA, ISRAEL, surrounded by the Mount Carmel forest, is the Yemin Orde Youth Village, a school for at-risk youth. Originally built in 1953 to shelter adult immigrants and orphans rendered homeless by the Holocaust, it now shelters mostly abandoned immigrant teens ages 12 to 19.

In 1998, Milliken took a research trip to see Israel’s extensive network of youth villages, modeled partly on the European boarding school and partly on the Israeli kibbutz. At Yemin Orde, Milliken met Chaim Peri, the philosophical father of the Israeli group-home model.

“You have a painfully short period of time to heal adolescents,” Peri says in an interview during a recent visit to the United States. “If you want to heal a family, with its own long-staying pathologies, then forget about healing the child.” Peri is in his 70s and has a thick silver mustache and a baldpate covered by a yarmulke. At Yemin Orde, he says, they tell “neglected, abused, and parentless children, half of them immigrants and half from abusive homes, ‘What your family cannot do for you, your community will.’”

Peri’s thinking is inspired in part, he says, by the pioneering writings of the British psychoanalyst John Bowlby. Bowlby’s work is, in a way, a surprising source for Peri. In his book Attachment and Loss, Bowlby argues that infants and young children need to have one secure primary caregiver, usually a biological mother, in their lives in order to form secure attachment to the outside world. This primary caregiver becomes a base from which the child can then explore the world. The thinking is, if children perceive this attachment figure to be nearby, accessible, and attentive, they will feel loved, secure, and confident. If they don’t, Bowlby posited, the child will be wracked with insecurity and emotional disorders that persist past infancy. Peri, though, understands that it’s not enough to simply place blind faith in the family unit. So he has adapted the idea of secure attachment for the realities of adolescent foster care.

“You can’t just leave a child in a pathological environment and expect them to be a part of a culture that is value laden and reveres life. The time slot is too short,” Peri says. For those who’ve had a destructive childhood, adolescence, Peri holds, is a time to recover—and find bonding and security elsewhere. “I sometimes refer to our village as a garden of late bloomers,” Peri writes in his book The Village Way, “because so many of our teenagers—like teenagers the world over—are wrapped in cocoons, dealing with traumatic childhood experiences and healing from them during the early years of adolescence. Only later are they capable of devoting themselves to building their futures. The trick is to be there for these teenagers when they are ready to bloom.” And not to leave them. No one is expelled from Yemin Orde: Everyone is told that they’ll always belong. Like a family.

The most direct inspiration for Peri’s model was the counseling work he did starting in the early ’60s, organizing schools for waves of immigrant children from countries like Ethiopia and Yemen. Given that Israel was a young nation with few people and few developed institutions, and with citizens steeped in the European boarding-school and Kibbutz models—and that many orphans were adrift in the world, with no expectation of reunifying with their families—the “village” model was a natural fit. By circumstance, the best option available, Peri says, was to create mutually collaborative and supportive communities among the children themselves, with adult supervision.

Peri’s approach was prescient. According to Cambridge researcher Michael Lamb’s review of hundreds of psychology studies, whether or not a child is related to a guardian has no impact on that child’s social and mental adjustment. More importantly, the social science and medical establishments now widely agree that the composition of a kid’s family is secondary to the family unit’s style of parenting. Peri’s model prioritizes that idea, and that approach let Milliken liberate San Pasqual from the conventional wisdom that continues to dominate foster-care policy: that family reunification always comes first.



Yemin Orde, in Israel, gives abandoned immigrant teenagers a stable place to create family. (PHOTO: COURTESY OF YEMIN ORDE)

STUDENTS AROUND SAN PASQUAL affectionately refer to Milliken as the Judge. Boys in dark baggy denim and loose white T-shirts high-five him as we enter the lunchroom. The Judge proudly talks about the record of relative success that San Pasqual has racked up during the decade it has existed. San Pasqual is no utopia and there are still plenty of shortcomings, but its statistics are much better than the national average for foster kids: None of the kids become homeless when they age out of the system since the academy provides them housing; there’s that 90 percent graduation rate from high school, with one-fourth entering college; and they have the best football team in their public-school division. That last point is not a minor one. The team has proven to be a key factor of the community. “The kids have a mascot, a silver-and-blue fire-breathing dragon—an identity, and a sense of pride,” Milliken says.

THE RESEARCH ON SAN PASQUAL is promising enough that it has renewed debate among researchers as to whether certain group home models can outperform other types of foster care. But the program is still too young and small to have a large body of data behind it. Building more campuses is an uphill slog. While San Pasqual is in part supported with public money, a number of the school’s programs depend on private fundraising; and the academy is legally classified as a group home, the least desirable form of foster care in the eyes of academia, the public, and the legislature—a technicality that makes mustering funding difficult.

And despite its impressive track record with graduation rates and retention, San Pasqual is also struggling to keep enrollment up. At times there are as many as 50 unfilled slots. Again, legal and structural problems are partly to blame: The state discourages the use of group homes as they are more expensive than private foster homes, and California puts a financial cap on the length of time a child can stay in a group home—sometimes making it hard to keep a kid at San Pasqual for all his or her high-school years.

But some of the hindrances have to do with how much San Pasqual asks of its students, and how radical its basic idea really is. On a recent afternoon, Milliken is watching students give a tour to a prospective enrollee. “We want the kids to be honest about their experience here. Potential students don’t need one more adult making them empty promises,” he says as the tour approaches.

Today’s potential student is a 14-year-old African American girl, apparently unenthusiastic. Milliken introduces himself with a hearty smile and gives some well-wishes.

“She’s not going to come here,” Milliken tells me with quiet despondency. “She doesn’t believe what we’re telling her.”

Americans often have a deep-seated suspicion of institutions, especially ones that play roles traditionally reserved for the family. And San Pasqual is a particularly pointed challenge to that sense of the family’s sanctity. Not long ago, the academy built a cluster of spacious apartments for recent alumni who have nowhere to spend holidays and breaks during college or to live after graduation. If home, as the saying goes, is the place that will always take you back, San Pasqual is an approximation of just that.