Showing posts with label military. Show all posts
Showing posts with label military. Show all posts

Sunday, August 17, 2014

How Militarizing Police Can Increase Violence

http://i.dailymail.co.uk/i/pix/2014/08/12/1407835256853_Image_galleryImage_FERGUSON_MO_AUGUST_11_Pol.JPG

In Seattle, following the 1999 WTO protests, in which violence and riots were far too common, the police department increased their tactical response ability with military-style weapons, armor, and vehicles. Following the 9/11 attack in 2001, police departments, large and small, around the country were given surplus military gear to better equip them for possible future attacks.


The images above are from the last week in Ferguson, MO, where tactical officers were called in to help police clear protestors who had taken to the streets over the police shooting of Michael Brown.

Research over the years has shown that the presence of heavily armed police increases the rate of violence and the likelihood of violence:
a great deal of social-psychological research, as well as important anecdotal evidence from law-enforcement specialists themselves, suggests that militarized policing can greatly inflame situations that might otherwise end peacefully
One wonders if the events in Ferguson will be a wake-up for police departments to avoid the military and militaristic approach to protests.

How Militarizing Police Can Increase Violence

By Jesse SingalFollow @jessesingal


Long before the killing of Michael Brown and the subsequent protests in Ferguson, Missouri, which have brought with them countless images of heavily armored local authorities pointing guns at and firing tear gas and other nonlethal weapons at unarmed protesters, some were disturbed by what Washington Post journalist Radley Balko calls “the rise of the warrior cop” — that is, the increasing tendency of some local police forces to rely on military-style gear and tactics, even in situations that appear devoid of any real threat to officers’ safety.

The story of how this happened and the oftentimes tragic results have been well-told by Balko, the American Civil Liberties Union, and others. In short, there’s been a flood of drug-war and post-9/11 money that has helped outfit police departments, even towns where a single murder is an incredibly rare event, with gear that could help repel seasoned paramilitaries.

What’s less clear is how this gear changes the psychological dynamics of policing and crowd control. Is it true, as many people are arguing online, that “When you have a hammer, everything looks like a nail” — that is, that simply having military gear will make police more likely to act in an aggressive manner toward civilians? How does this change the relationship between police and civilians?

At the most specific level, these questions haven’t been studied empirically. But a great deal of social-psychological research, as well as important anecdotal evidence from law-enforcement specialists themselves, suggests that militarized policing can greatly inflame situations that might otherwise end peacefully.

The so-called “weapons effect” can partly explain what’s going on in Ferguson and elsewhere. The mere presence of weapons, in short, appears to prime more aggressive behavior. This has been shown in a variety of experiments in different lab and real-world settings.

“Theory underlying the weapons effect or similar kinds of phenomena would suggest that the more you fill the environment with stimuli that are associated with violence, the more likely violence is to occur,” said Bruce Bartholow, a University of Missouri social psychologist who has studied the weapons effect. Brad Bushman, a psychologist at Ohio State, agreed. “I would expect a bigger effect if you see military weapons than if you see normal weapons,” he said.

This isn’t just about a link between visual stimuli like guns and violence, however. It also has to do with the roles people adopt, with how they respond to the presence of others who may — or may not — mean them harm. To a certain extent, if you dress and treat people like soldiers facing a deadly enemy, they’ll act like it.

“This process isn't necessarily good or bad, but depends on the extent to which the more militaristic role fits the situation,” said Craig Anderson, a psychologist at Iowa State, in an email. “When it doesn't fit well, it is likely to lead to more judgment and behavior errors.” Maria Haberfeld, a professor at the John Jay College of Criminal Justice who has studied how police departments outfit themselves, said the dynamic could be particularly dangerous in the context of nonviolent protests like Ferguson (there was rioting and looting earlier this week, but there have also been widespread reports of nonviolent protests being broken up by police aggression).

“Military equipment is used against an enemy,” said Haberfeld. “So if you give the same equipment to local police, by default you create an environment in which the public is perceived as an enemy.” On the other side of these confrontations, this could have a negative effect on protesters. “We live in a democratic country, and we believe that this is our right to go out and exercise the right to [free speech],” she said. “And when you go out there and exercise that right and suddenly you are faced with soldiers — even though these are not soldiers, but police officers looking like soldiers — then something is triggered, definitely.”

Bushman said that meeting nonviolent protests with a militarized response is “really a bad idea. I can’t believe they’re doing it.” “It’s just really bad for the officers because they feel more powerful, more invincible, more militaristic, ready to attack,” he said. “And also, I think it elicits a response from the observers that, hey, this is war, and people become defensive and they have a fight/flight response.” The adoption of masks themselves in a militarized setting, on the part of police or protesters, can also contribute to violence by triggering senses of anonymity and what psychologists call deindividuation. "There's all kinds of evidence in social psychology that that will lead people to do things that they wouldn't do if they could be identified," said Bartholow.

All this militarization, said Bartholow, can be contrasted “against the old kind of beat-cop model where people in the neighborhood know the police officers’ name and he’s kind of everybody’s buddy in a sense.”

Gil Kerlikowske, the head of U.S. Customs and Border Protection and former police chief of Seattle, drew out this distinction in a striking recent interview with NPR’s Steve Inskeep. He explained that at the one-year anniversary of the damaging 1999 World Trade Organization riots, he took conscious steps to have his officers dressed like police rather than a counterinsurgency unit, which he said made it easier to deal with potentially dangerous crowds. But the police guild didn’t approve of this approach — its members wanted him to give the officers as much armor as possible.
INSKEEP: Kerlikowski paid attention [to the guild]. Though he came to wish he hadn't. The next time there were troublesome crowds it was Mardi Gras. Police did not go out in soft gear, they went out heavily protected. So, the cops felt safer but somehow the crowd became harder to control. Scores of people were injured as violence spread. Women were sexually assaulted. One man was killed as police watched.

KERLIKOWSKI: Well, to tell you the truth it makes it pretty difficult when you're talking from behind a face shield with a gas mask, to engage with the public and say, look let's tone this down, let's calm things down, let's make sure that those people that need to be apprehended are arrested because of their intoxicated state, their level of violence etc. It's pretty hard to engage in those discussions when you're hardened up. I regret that - today. I should've stuck by my decision earlier, I didn't.
Kerlikowski, Haberfeld, and other law enforcement seem to have developed an intuitive understanding of the psychological effects of police militarization. But that may not matter, because all this surplus military gear isn’t going away — $450 million of it was distributed to police in 2013 alone. So even after things calm down in Ferguson, we’ll still be in the midst of a sweeping, potentially dangerous experiment in social psychology and criminology.

“Even in my small midwestern town, the police no longer drive a standard police cruiser,” Bartholow said. “They drive these kind of big SUVs — they almost look like military humvees, and they’re more intimidating looking.”

Saturday, September 07, 2013

The Complexity of the Syrian Situation

Photo: SHARE if attacking Syria doesn't make sense to you!

As I said when I posted this on Facebook, I hate these repetitious pictures that show up with different quotes on them (and here I add: especially the Gene Wilder as Willy Wonka one). But this one poses an interesting, if reductionist (as it was pointed out) question about the logistics of the Syrian situation.

My friend Ray Harris responded with this:
Ah jeez - if it were as simple as this the US, NATO would have intervened earlier. The use of chemical weapons breaches international law and it is up to the international community to act, otherwise international law is meaningless.

Nor would the US
necessarily be fighting on the same side as al Qaeda. They would simply be punishing one side for a clear violation of international law.

The rebel side also includes people interested in a democratic Syria - unless you forgot that Assad is a Ba'athist dictator.
Ray also posted this and tagged me on it so that I would see it:
I am getting massively bored with all the simplistic, reductionist responses to the situation in Syria. It is extremely complex people. It is NOT like Iraq. It is NOT like Afghanistan. It is like Syria. It is NOT only because of a gas pipeline (although resources are always a factor). Nor does the US have any specific interest in Syria. But in case you have forgotten. Someone did use chemical weapons (both Hussein and Assad belong to the Ba'athist party and Hussein used chemical weapons on Kurds). And the use of chemical weapons is a clear breach of international law and someone has to police international law, otherwise it is meaningless.

Are the US hypocrites? Of course, but everyone is hypocrite. What of the Russians and Chinese?

There is a lot of propaganda flying around at the moment. Pro-Assad propaganda, pro-rebel propaganda, Iranian propaganda blaming Israel, socialist alliance propaganda blaming US imperialism, and so on and on.
After a bit of thought, this is my reply and my current (muddled) understanding of the complexity of the situation:
Ray, I get your perspective and I think, at the same time, that the situation is so absurd that is requires mockery to avoid simply giving up.

It's clearly NOT simple - if it were, there would be no hesitation on the part of Obama in launching
a "punishment" - and the fact that both Britain and Germany, among others I presume, have opted out of a NATO attack, or even a "coalition" attack, is telling.

Obama has effed this up so thoroughly with his line in the sand nonsense and then his refusal to launch a strike that it is laughable. At the same time, he has good reason not to launch a strike - it likely will bring in Iran and probably Russia (who has already sent a fleet of warships into the Persian Gulf) - then we have WWIII in the Middle East.

The Syrian Rebels are also a mixed bag - some who want democracy, some who want Islamic law, some who are al Qaeda, and probably some other groups as well. We are probably supporting the rebels covertly at this point, but what will we end up with if they succeed in toppling Assad? Will we get Syria's version of the Muslim Brotherhood, and then have a messed up situation like Egypt, where we support the military in staging a coup to oust the first truly democratically elected president in decades?

That whole region is an example of what happens when we impose somewhat arbitrary lines and values (unsuccessfully) where there had been none prior, or at least not in the same way. It is ludicrous to think that creating nations at a bargaining table will put to an end to centuries of tribal hatred and a general sense among most Arab peoples of having been the oppressed - same thing happened on the African continent when the European territories demanded and took their independence. Witness Sudan - one tribe gains political and military power and then sets about eliminating the opposing tribe(s).

There is a huge difference between the fall of the Austro-Hungarian empire following WWI [Ray mentioned this in a comment] and what we are seeing now. Those European nations were already developed and they (mostly) were not a collection of tribes and/or religious sects. More importantly, the West kept military bases in many countries as a kind of reminder not to get out of line (weak colonialism), but this did not happen when the European nations carved up the Middle East.

The complexity of the situation, which I suspect you get much more than I do, is well over the capacities of our current elected leaders to deal with effectively. This is obvious.

International law, by the way, IS meaningless in a practical sense. As long as Russia and China are permanent members of the Security Council at the UN (with veto power), things like this will never be punished by the UN. The US cannot be the policeman of the planet - and the American citizens are overwhelmingly opposed to our trying to do so.

After all the words I have just typed, I have barely scratched the surface of the complexity of this situation.

The reality here on Facebook is that Americans think in sound bites, so it's no wonder we post simplistic, reductionist statements about complex events - it's what our media has trained us to do. I'll bet very few people will have read this far . . . a picture with a trite quote is much easier to digest and simply agree/disagree. But this part of it is a whole other discussion . . . .

Monday, June 10, 2013

Can an Ecstasy Pill Treat PTSD?

From the BBC Future site, this is a pretty good article on the efforts to get MDMA approved for the treatment of PTSD in soldiers. However, what they see as a potential good thing feels to me like more of the same bureaucratic BS:
[Rick] Doblin [founder and executive director of MAPS] thinks that getting MDMA through the FDA’s regulatory hurdles will only take eight to 10 years and $15 to $20 million – relatively speedy and cheap compared to what is normally required to license a new drug. “The FDA knows more about MDMA right now than any drug that they’ve ever approved in their entire history,” he says, pointing to a wealth of literature generated, ironically, by MDMA’s illegal status.
Ten years seems like a long time for a drug we already know is safer than most (if not all) psycho-pharmaceuticals.

Could ecstasy help treat soldiers with PTSD?


Sharon Weinberger
CODE RED| 6 June 2013



A trial is currently assessing whether the drug MDMA can treat Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder – whether the new research will convince critics is another matter.

The University of Southern California's Institute for Creative Technologies is leading the way in creating virtual humans. The result may produce real help for those in need.

It is hardly surprising that Tony Macie has an over-developed sense of awareness. As a US Army private he served for 15 months in Baghdad, calling in artillery and air support in his role as a member of a reconnaissance unit. Deadly roadside bombs and insurgent attacks were everyday occurrences in the city divided by sectarian violence. Being hyper-vigilant can help keep a soldier alive in a warzone, but when Macie returned home in 2007, he couldn’t switch off. “My brain was working on overdrive all the time,” he says. “I couldn’t relax, couldn’t unwind.”

He was diagnosed with Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD), but found the standard treatments – mainly psychotherapy and anti-depressants – were of little help. While searching for an effective alternative, Macie came across the website of Multidisciplinary Association for Psychedelic Studies (MAPS). This not-for-profit group was sponsoring research into the use of MDMA, better known by its street name ecstasy, as a treatment for PTSD. He enrolled in a study that is currently looking at whether combined use of the drug and psychotherapy could provide relief for those with the debilitating anxiety disorder.

MDMA was originally developed by scientists at the German chemical and pharmaceutical company Merck a century ago, while they were investigating ways to stop abnormal bleeding. In the 1970s, a number of psychiatrists used the chemical to enhance communication with patients. The practice ended when MDMA became better known as a party drug, leading to it being outlawed in the US in 1985.

Evidence for its therapeutic efficacy was largely anecdotal. However, a small clinical trial published in 2010 suggested the drug can increase response to psychotherapy among people with PTSD. Now Rick Doblin, the founder and executive director of MAPS, hopes further studies, such as the one Macie is taking part in, will eventually lead to MDMA being approved by the US Food and Drug Administration as a new effective treatment option for PTSD. “Everywhere we go, what we’re told is ‘this is really important’, but the people we’ve spoken with were not high enough in the hierarchy to comfortably say yes,” says Doblin. He does, however, believe he is making headway. He recently had a meeting in the Pentagon to discuss his research (although he declined to identify the office on the record).

On trial


MAPS also funded the clinical trial published three years ago, which was led by Michael Mithoefer, a psychiatrist based in South Carolina. It involved 20 PTSD patients, the majority of whom had the disorder after being sexually assaulted, or being sexually or physically abused as children. Participants were given either MDMA or an inactive placebo during psychotherapy sessions, and were later assessed for symptoms of PTSD. Ten of the 12 (83%) given MDMA responded positively, compared to just two of the eight (25%) who took placebos.

Mithoefer’s interest in MDMA dates back to a career shift in 1991, when he moved from emergency medicine to psychiatry. “I was interested in experiential therapy, helping people shift their consciousness in some way,” he says. He became interested in MDMA's possible use in psychotherapy from anecdotal evidence reported prior to the drug's US ban. "There were published reports, but no controlled research," he says. PTSD was beginning to rise in the public consciousness in light of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. "I thought it behooved us to take a careful look at whether these anecdotal reports of MDMA could be born out with rigorous controlled trials."

Mithoefer is also running the trial that Macie is participating in. A group of 24 veterans and firefighters will take part in three sessions during which they will be given MDMA before undergoing psychotherapy. The hypothesis is that participants will feel less fear and be better able to talk about the traumatic experiences that caused their PTSD while under the influence of the drug.

One problem with the previous study was the use of inactive placebos. Those in the control group would have known that they were not receiving the active drug and this knowledge could have influenced their mental state. To get around this Mithoefer is giving those in the current study low, medium, or high doses. As participants will not know which does they have been given, he says this should effectively create double-blind conditions that would give the study greater validity. Results will be measured using a questionnaire-based PTSD diagnostic tool. The study is due to be completed next year.

Treatment options for PTSD are by and large ineffective, and so MDMA is not the only “non-traditional” treatment under investigation. At the Army’s Fort Bliss Restoration and Resilience Center in Texas, patients receive therapies ranging from acupuncture to Reiki, a Japanese spiritual treatment. In California, researchers at the Pentagon-funded Institute for Creative Technologies have studied the use of virtual reality as part of “exposure therapy” for veterans with PTSD.

Bad reputation


These days, researchers have no problems finding subjects for such work. It is estimated that the US military is diagnosing between 14,000 and 15,000 new cases of PTSD every year among deployed service members. “We have 400 veterans on a waiting list who have called us, and that’s without doing recruiting,” says Mithoefer.

Doblin thinks that getting MDMA through the FDA’s regulatory hurdles will only take eight to 10 years and $15 to $20 million – relatively speedy and cheap compared to what is normally required to license a new drug. “The FDA knows more about MDMA right now than any drug that they’ve ever approved in their entire history,” he says, pointing to a wealth of literature generated, ironically, by MDMA’s illegal status.

But whether the new research will convince critics, particularly those influenced by MDMA's reputation as a party drug, is more doubtful. Part of the problem is overcoming the stigma of hallucinogens, and some of the biased research that has been done in the past. Jonathan Moreno, a bioethicist and professor at the University of Pennsylvania, points to the studies conducted by Timothy Leary of Harvard in the 1960s. In a prison study, Leary claimed that hallucinogens combined with psychotherapy could reduce re-offending among prisoners, but those conclusions were later shown to be erroneous. Doblin published a follow-up study, highlighting problems with Leary's means of tracking re-offending in the long-term.

“It’s striking that even in the 60s and 70s people lined up on different sides on hallucinogens,” says Moreno. The lines are drawn pretty dark on various positions.”

It’s not just the recreational use and abuse of MDMA that raises concerns. There is what Doblin calls the “disastrous legacy of mind control experiments” at the Pentagon. During the Cold War, both the Army and the CIA experimented with using hallucinogens as a weapon. Particularly notorious was MK Ultra, a CIA project which experimented with the use of psychedelics for mind control, sometimes with unwitting subjects.

“That is in people’s minds,” says Doblin, adding that it has been sufficiently far in the past that it is not their dominant concern.” Doblin does say he was approached by a former member of the military who asked about the possibility of using MDMA, which fosters feeling of trust, as a tool for interrogating terrorists. “That was a scary thing,” says Doblin, who also expressed doubt such use would be effective.

The bigger barrier, Doblin says, is the fear of MDMA's recreational associations, and that it could be misused. Several researchers at the US Department of Veterans Affairs (VA) turned down requests to be interviewed about Mithoefer's MDMA study. "VA does not use ecstasy as a treatment for PTSD," said a spokesman in a statement. "Nor has it conducted, nor is currently conducting, any studies into whether it could be used in such a capacity." Ecstasy "is an illegal drug and VA would not involve veterans in the use of such substances."

For Macie, however, much of the debate is academic. He has taken part in one session of combined MDMA and psychotherapy as part of Mithoefer's study and already believes the approach has helped him. He does not see the drug as a magic bullet and recognises such treatment is likely to still require a great deal of effort on his part. “I don’t want you to think that doing it puts you in happy mode forever,” he says. “It’s hard work.”

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Thursday, November 15, 2012

Documentary - The Invisible War (1 in 3 Military Women Raped)


I saw this film, The Invisible War, when it first aired on PBS Frontline - it is moving, infuriating, and painful. The fact that 1 in 3 women in the military will be sexually assaulted by their peers and superiors is simply incomprehensible to me. Even worse, many survivors are the ones investigated and often discharged as "mentally ill."
In 2011, there were 3,191 reports of sexual assaults ranging from wrongful touching to rape — but even Defense Secretary Leon Panetta says he believes that because it is such an underreported crime, there were actually as many as 19,000 such attacks.
Only 8% of these rapes go to trial, which probably explains (along with the blame-the-victim approach) why the reports have gone down since that 2011 stat was recorded.

According to another article:
more than one-fifth of all active-duty female soldiers have been sexually assaulted, leaving women who have been raped in the military with a higher rate of Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) than that of men in combat.
I tend to believe the 1 in 3 stat because I know how often rape goes unreported.


The Invisible War

From Oscar®- and Emmy®-nominated filmmaker Kirby Dick (This Film Is Not Yet Rated; Twist of Faith) comes The Invisible War, a groundbreaking investigative documentary about one of America's most shameful and best kept secrets: the epidemic of rape within the U.S. military. The film paints a startling picture of the extent of the problem-today, a female soldier in combat zones is more likely to be raped by a fellow soldier than killed by enemy fire. The Department of Defense estimates there were a staggering 19,000 violent sex crimes in the military in 2010. The Invisible War exposes the epidemic, breaking open one of the most under-reported stories of our generation, to the nation and the world.
Another summary:
The Invisible War is a groundbreaking investigative documentary about one of our country’s most shameful and best kept secrets: the epidemic of rape within our US military. Today, a female soldier in Iraq and Afghanistan is more likely to be raped by a fellow soldier than killed by enemy fire with the number of assaults in the last decade alone in the hundreds of thousands. Focusing on the powerfully emotional stories of several young women, the film reveals the systemic cover up of the crimes against them and follows their struggles to rebuild their lives and fight for justice. The Invisible War features hard-hitting interviews with high-ranking military officials and members of Congress that reveal the perfect storm conditions that exist for rape in the military, its history of cover-up, and what can be done to bring about much needed change. — (C) Official Site

Wednesday, December 30, 2009

PTSD - The Shadow of the Millennial Decade (Part I)

Interesting that as I was about to write a long post on the status of Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) as a diagnosis in the Diagnostic and Statistics Manual of Mental Disorders, fifth edition (DSM-V, new edition now due in 2013), AlterNet posted an article proclaiming the first decade of the 21st Century as the decade that made the US the PTSD Nation.

Here in the home of the brave, we've endured a decade that shattered nearly every notion of what it meant to be an American, whether you live on the left or the right. And so we shout. Or hide. Or startle too easily.

In America today, it seems we all have a touch of post-traumatic stress disorder, as evidenced by our increasingly vitriolic political environment, where reality is denied and histrionics run riot. Anger, we're told, is the natural reaction to trauma; in people with PTSD, the anger is out of control. By that measure, the millennial decade has brought us 10 years of PTSD politics -- with no end in sight.

From the Tea Party madness, the unwillingness of Republicans in Congress to vote for any piece of legislation drafted by Democrats, the misuse of the filibuster in the Senate to all but break the institution, and the outsized rage on the left toward the Obama administration for simply behaving as politicians do, our national politics have moved beyond the bounds of extreme partisanship into the realm of mental illness.

This breaking of the national psyche was bound to happen; it's been decades in the making. American exceptionalism -- the idea that we are somehow better and more blessed than any other people on the face of the earth by dint of our own hard work, ingenuity, innate goodness and superior democracy -- was bound to fail as our nation, like every other before it, found itself caught in the grinding wheels of history.

Rooted in denial, the doctrine of American exceptionalism edits out of the American story the sins against humanity that created our nation: the genocide of the people who were here before the Europeans came, and the building of the nation on the backs of involuntary laborers who were tortured, abused and even killed for their trouble. Once you ditch that, it becomes easier to look past the other unpleasant realities of our history, be it our neo-colonialism throughout the world, which helped to build our economy, or the enduring practices of racism and sexism. But denial almost invariably leads to trauma, when on one day, or in one decade, the decay that denial fostered summons home the demons set loose through willful ignorance to do their fright dance before one's very eyes.

It's a long article and worth the read. On the other hand, I wonder if a story like this (which does have its value) serves to confuse people as to the true, horrible nature of living with PTSD.

In Part I of this 2-part series I want to look at the PTSD diagnosis as it has been used (or not used) in the military, focusing on the current wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. Part II will look at possible changes to the diagnosis in the new DSM-V, due out in 2013, and how the disorder develops and might be treated more effectively.

PTSD and the Militry

There are many people who think that PTSD is just a liberal creation to keep soldiers from serving their country, not least among them are Rich Lowry (editor The National Review) and Brigadier General Rhonda Cornum (the Pentagon's new director of Comprehensive Soldier Fitness). This comes from a recent article at Huffington Post:
Now comes Rich Lowry, nationally prominent editor of the National Review, who mocks the soldier who plays the victim and indulges in "childish evasions." PTSD, proclaims Lowry, is a liberal media obsession.

In the same week the Pentagon's new director of Comprehensive Soldier Fitness gave an interview in which she said that the Army is spending too much time treating PTSD. Talking with the author Gail Sheehy, Brigadier General Rhonda Cornum said we should concentrate on the healthy soldiers and train the fittest to be able to absorb a "kick in the gut" and get back to combat.

American kids are pampered, Cornum told Sheehy. Their parents "bubble wrap" them. "Sometimes," she said, "you gotta package up your feelings and get on with the mission." Like Rich Lowry, the general seemed to think that kids whose brains fill up with images of horror are like computers. They should just push reset and erase the memory.

Clearly, however, there is something serious going on here. The rate of suicide among soldiers is at an all-time high (2/3 of which are in soldiers who have served in war zones), and has increased over each of the last five years. From Time Magazine:
The recently released figure for November show that 12 soldiers are suspected of taking their own lives, bringing to 147 the total suicides for 2009, the highest since the Army began keeping track in 1980. Last year the Army had 140 suicides.

* * *

"Soldiers who are suffering from posttraumatic stress are six times more likely to commit suicide than those that are not," General Peter Chiarelli told the House Armed Services Committee on Dec. 10. "The greatest single debilitating injury of soldiers returning from Iraq and Afghanistan is posttraumatic stress." Nearly 1 in 5 soldiers — more than 300,000 — comes home from the wars reporting symptoms of PTSD. Army officials also acknowledge that substance abuse, fueled by repeated combat tours, and a war-created shortage of mental-health professionals, contribute to mental ills that can lead to suicide.

Monday, November 16, 2009

Tara McKelvey - God, the Army, and PTSD

In the current Boston Review, Tara McKelvey asks if religion is an obstacle to treatment.
In a 2004 study of approximately 1,400 Vietnam veterans, almost 90 percent Christian, researchers at Yale found that nearly one-third said the war had shaken their faith in God and that their religion no longer provided comfort for them.
That is a little surprising to me - I might have thought they could weather experience easier because of their faith. But, they are also more likely to seek treatment, too.

The bottom line, however, is that the military (and conservatives) hate the PTSD diagnosis and not want to pay to treat the soldiers suffering from it.

God, the Army, and PTSD

Is religion an obstacle to treatment?

When Roger Benimoff arrived at the psychiatric building of the Coatesville, Pennsylvania veterans’ hospital, he was greeted by a message carved into a nearby tree stump: “Welcome Home.” It was a reminder that things had not turned out as he had expected.

In Faith Under Fire, a memoir about Benimoff’s life as an Army chaplain in Iraq, Benimoff and co-author Eve Conant describe his return from Iraq to his family in Colorado and subsequent assignment to Walter Reed Army Medical Center. He retreated deep into himself, spending hours on the computer and racking up ten thousand dollars in debt on eBay. Above all, he was angry and jittery, scared even of his young sons, and barely able to make it through the day. He was eventually admitted to Coatesville’s “Psych Ward.” For a while the lock-down facility was his home. He wondered where God was in all of this, and was not alone in that bewilderment and pain.

In a 2004 study of approximately 1,400 Vietnam veterans, almost 90 percent Christian, researchers at Yale found that nearly one-third said the war had shaken their faith in God and that their religion no longer provided comfort for them. The Yale study found that these soldiers were more likely than others to seek mental health treatment through the Department of Veterans Affairs (VA) when they came home. It was not that these veterans had unusually high confidence in government or especially good information about services at VA hospitals. Instead, they had fallen into a spiritual abyss and were desperate to find a way out. The trauma of war seems to be especially acute for men and women whose faith in a benevolent God is challenged by the carnage they have witnessed.

Of course, not all veterans with mental health concerns are led to VA hospitals by a loss of faith: many simply want to get a night’s sleep without being terrorized by nightmares. Whatever kind of assistance they are seeking, it has been in increasingly short supply. The decline in resources for veterans’ mental health services started in the 1980s, as part of a nationwide effort to move psychiatric patients into outpatient treatment. The number of inpatient psychiatric beds fell from 9,000 in the late ’80s to 3,000 by 2008.

During the Iraq war, however, the great difficulty veterans experienced in getting psychiatric care—greater than before—was not a product of cost-cutting, but of conviction: many Bush administration officials believed that soldiers who supported the war would not face psychological problems, and if they did, they would find comfort in faith. In a resigned tone, one prominent researcher who worked for the VA, and asked that he not be identified because he was not authorized to speak to the press, explained that high-ranking officials believed that “Jesus fixes everything.” Benimoff and the others who returned with devastating psychological injuries found a faith-based bureau within the VA. At veterans’ hospitals, chaplains were conducting spirituality assessments of patients.

The story of the mistreatment of returning veterans from Iraq is well known and shocking. But the role of religious ideology in that mistreatment—how, inside the government, it was a potent tool in the betrayal of an overwhelmingly Christian Army—is much less known.

“I couldn’t stand to hear that phrase any longer—‘God was watching over me,’” Benimoff wrote.

He wasn’t watching over the good men I knew in Iraq. Faith was the center of my life yet it failed to explain why I came home and those soldiers did not. The phrase was a Christian nicety, a cliché that when put to the test didn’t fit reality.

• • •

Things had already begun to change dramatically at the VA by early 2005, shortly after Roger Benimoff left for his second deployment to Iraq. Many appointees at the agency were disturbed that so many Iraq veterans showed symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). In part the concern grew from skepticism about the diagnosis itself, which some believed to be a legacy of the Vietnam-era anti-war movement. Whatever the merits of the diagnosis, it was clearly widespread and, moreover, staggeringly expensive to treat. In 2008 the RAND Corporation put a number on the problem, reporting that one in five veterans of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan has suffered some form of mental illness, mostly PTSD and depression.

“God doesn’t like ugly,” one political appointee told Paul Sullivan, an analyst in the VA’s Veterans Benefits Administration, in a clumsy attempt to reduce the cost of caring for psychologically traumatized veterans. “You need to make the numbers lower.” Sullivan left the VA in 2006 and became head of Veterans for Common Sense, a group that filed a class-action lawsuit against the secretary of the VA for the shoddy treatment of veterans. It was dismissed in 2008 and is now being appealed.

PTSD, along with its diagnosis and treatment, has been a charged subject in the United States since the term was introduced nearly three decades ago. Studying returning veterans and working with a group of psychiatrists and others in the 1970s, former Air Force psychiatrist Robert Jay Lifton pushed to create an entry for “post-traumatic stress disorder” in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM), the official manual of the American Psychiatric Association. Lifton and his colleagues believed that the kind of horror induced by the experience of war and other comparably catastrophic shocks needed a special category that would distinguish it from lesser kinds of trauma. A definition appeared in the DSM-III in 1980. The DSM-IV, published in 1994, included revised diagnostic criteria that reduced the severity of the external shock required to induce PTSD. From the start, conservatives charged that the disorder was created by anti-war activists with a political agenda. The debate about it has been marked by passion, rhetoric, politics, and religion, all of which have only made things worse for the individuals who have suffered from the disorder.

Tens of thousands of soldiers, including Benimoff, have been diagnosed with PTSD, which occurs when an individual responds to a traumatic event with “intense fear” and feelings of helplessness. For PTSD sufferers, that experience is followed by horrifying nightmares, hyper-vigilance, sleeplessness, and other potentially debilitating symptoms. Some of those diagnosed with the disorder never recover, and for this reason skeptics say that the DSM definition has turned ordinary men and women into chronic sufferers, dependent on government assistance and relieved of responsibility for their own lives. It is true that some Iraq veterans with full-blown PTSD diagnoses have been granted government benefits—usually between $200 and $2,600 per month—even though they might be able to support themselves. (I have met several of them while traveling across the country.) Nonetheless, far more suffer either with poor care or no care at all.

Read the whole article.

Oh, wait, here is one more quote that needs to be shared - this is our fu*ked government in action, screwing the soldiers they sent to fight for them.
Sullivan was working as an analyst at the Veterans Benefits Administration in Washington in early 2005 when he was called to a meeting with a top political appointee at the VA, Deputy Assistant Secretary for Policy Michael McLendon. McLendon, an intensely focused man in a neatly pressed suit, kept a Bible on his desk at the office. Sullivan explained to McLendon and the other attendees that the rise in benefits claims the VA was noticing was caused partly by Iraq and Afghanistan veterans who were suffering from PTSD. “That’s too many,” McLendon said, then hit his hand on the table. “They are too young” to be filing claims, and they are doing it “too soon.” He hit the table again. The claims, he said, are “costing us too much money,” and if the veterans “believed in God and country . . . they would not come home with PTSD.” At that point, he slammed his palm against the table a final time, making a loud smack. Everyone in the room fell silent.
Effing weasel.