Showing posts with label personality disorder. Show all posts
Showing posts with label personality disorder. Show all posts

Saturday, September 28, 2013

Neurological Basis for Lack of Empathy in Psychopaths

 

In this new study from Jean Decety (one of the preeminent scholars of empathy), he and his research team examined the ability of psychopaths (or those who score highly on the PCL-R) to experience empathy for others' pain.

When the most highly psychopathic participants imagined pain to themselves, their brains showed a typical neural response within the regions involved in empathy for pain, including the anterior insula, the anterior midcingulate cortex, somatosensory cortex, and the right amygdala. The increase in brain activity in these regions was unusually pronounced, suggesting that psychopathic people are sensitive to the thought of of their own pain.

But when participants imagined pain to others, these regions failed to become active in highly psychopathic subjects. The psychopaths - this is important - showed an increased response in the ventral striatum, an area known to be involved in pleasure, when imagining others in pain.

Interesting paper.

First up is a summary of the paper from Science Daily, followed by the whole paper from Frontiers in Human Neuroscience.

Full Citation:
Decety, J, Chen, C, Harenski, C, and Kiehl, KA. (2013, Sep 24). An fMRI study of affective perspective taking in individuals with psychopathy: Imagining another in pain does not evoke empathy. Frontiers in Human Neuroscience,  DOI: 10.3389/fnhum.2013.00489

Neurological Basis for Lack of Empathy in Psychopaths


Sep. 24, 2013 — When individuals with psychopathy imagine others in pain, brain areas necessary for feeling empathy and concern for others fail to become active and be connected to other important regions involved in affective processing and decision-making, reports a study published in the open-access journal Frontiers in Human Neuroscience.


This is response in the right amygdala across groups of low (L), medium (M) and high (H) psychopathy participants, when they adopted an imagine-self and an imagine-other affective perspective while viewing bodily injuries. Groupwise effects (bars at the bottom of the figure) are expanded to show the contribution of continuous PCL-R subscores on factor 1, which encompasses the emotional/interpersonal features of psychopathy. (Credit: Decety. J, Chenyi. C, Harenski. C, and Kiehl. K, A. Frontiers in Human Neuroscience, 2013.)
Psychopathy is a personality disorder characterized by a lack of empathy and remorse, shallow affect, glibness, manipulation and callousness. Previous research indicates that the rate of psychopathy in prisons is around 23%, greater than the average population which is around 1%.

To better understand the neurological basis of empathy dysfunction in psychopaths, neuroscientists used functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) on the brains of 121 inmates of a medium-security prison in the USA.

Participants were shown visual scenarios illustrating physical pain, such as a finger caught between a door, or a toe caught under a heavy object. They were by turns invited to imagine that this accident happened to themselves, or somebody else. They were also shown control images that did not depict any painful situation, for example a hand on a doorknob.

Participants were assessed with the widely used PCL-R, a diagnostic tool to identify their degree of psychopathic tendencies. Based on this assessment, the participants were then divided in three groups of approximately 40 individuals each: highly, moderately, and weakly psychopathic.

When highly psychopathic participants imagined pain to themselves, they showed a typical neural response within the brain regions involved in empathy for pain, including the anterior insula, the anterior midcingulate cortex, somatosensory cortex, and the right amygdala. The increase in brain activity in these regions was unusually pronounced, suggesting that psychopathic people are sensitive to the thought of pain.

But when participants imagined pain to others, these regions failed to become active in high psychopaths. Moreover, psychopaths showed an increased response in the ventral striatum, an area known to be involved in pleasure, when imagining others in pain.

This atypical activation combined with a negative functional connectivity between the insula and the ventromedial prefrontal cortex may suggest that individuals with high scores on psychopathy actually enjoyed imagining pain inflicted on others and did not care for them. The ventromedial prefrontal cortex is a region that plays a critical role in empathetic decision-making, such as caring for the wellbeing of others.

Taken together, this atypical pattern of activation and effective connectivity associated with perspective taking manipulations may inform intervention programs in a domain where therapeutic pessimism is more the rule than the exception. Altered connectivity may constitute novel targets for intervention. Imagining oneself in pain or in distress may trigger a stronger affective reaction than imagining what another person would feel, and this could be used with some psychopaths in cognitive-behavior therapies as a kick-starting technique, write the authors.

* * * * *

An fMRI study of affective perspective taking in individuals with psychopathy: imagining another in pain does not evoke empathy


Jean Decety [1,2], Chenyi Chen [1], Carla Harenski [3,4] and Kent A. Kiehl [3,4]
1. Department of Psychology, University of Chicago, Chicago, IL, USA
2. Department of Psychiatry and Behavioral Neuroscience, University of Chicago, Chicago, IL, USA
3. Departments of Psychology and Neuroscience, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, NM, USA
4. Mind Research Network, Albuquerque, NM, USA
While it is well established that individuals with psychopathy have a marked deficit in affective arousal, emotional empathy, and caring for the well-being of others, the extent to which perspective taking can elicit an emotional response has not yet been studied despite its potential application in rehabilitation. In healthy individuals, affective perspective taking has proven to be an effective means to elicit empathy and concern for others. To examine neural responses in individuals who vary in psychopathy during affective perspective taking, 121 incarcerated males, classified as high (n = 37; Hare psychopathy checklist-revised, PCL-R ≥ 30), intermediate (n = 44; PCL-R between 21 and 29), and low (n = 40; PCL-R ≤ 20) psychopaths, were scanned while viewing stimuli depicting bodily injuries and adopting an imagine-self and an imagine-other perspective. During the imagine-self perspective, participants with high psychopathy showed a typical response within the network involved in empathy for pain, including the anterior insula (aINS), anterior midcingulate cortex (aMCC), supplementary motor area (SMA), inferior frontal gyrus (IFG), somatosensory cortex, and right amygdala. Conversely, during the imagine-other perspective, psychopaths exhibited an atypical pattern of brain activation and effective connectivity seeded in the anterior insula and amygdala with the orbitofrontal cortex (OFC) and ventromedial prefrontal cortex (vmPFC). The response in the amygdala and insula was inversely correlated with PCL-R Factor 1 (interpersonal/affective) during the imagine-other perspective. In high psychopaths, scores on PCL-R Factor 1 predicted the neural response in ventral striatum when imagining others in pain. These patterns of brain activation and effective connectivity associated with differential perspective-taking provide a better understanding of empathy dysfunction in psychopathy, and have the potential to inform intervention programs for this complex clinical problem.

Empathy, the social-emotional response that is induced by the perception of another person's affective state, is a fundamental component of emotional experience, and plays a vital role in social interaction (Szalavitz and Perry, 2010). It is thought to be a proxy for prosocial behavior, guiding our social preferences and providing the affective and motivational base for moral development. Empathy is a deeply fundamental component of healthy co-existence whose absence is the hallmark of serious social-cognitive dysfunctions. Among the various psychopathologies marked by such deficits, psychopaths are characterized by a general lack of empathy and attenuated responding to emotional stimuli (Blair et al., 1997; Herpertz and Sass, 2000; Hare, 2003; Mahmut et al., 2008).

Empathy includes both cognitive and affective components (Decety and Jackson, 2004; Shamay-Tsoory, 2009; Singer and Lamm, 2009; Decety, 2011a; Zaki and Ochsner, 2012). The empathic arousal component, or emotion contagion, develops earlier than the cognitive component, and seems to be hardwired in the brain with deep evolutionary roots (Decety and Svetlova, 2012). In addition developmental research has found that concern for others emerges prior to the second year of life. In these studies, young children are not only moved by others' emotional states, but they make distress and pain attribution in conjunction with their comforting behavior and recognize what the target is distressed about (Roth-Hanania et al., 2011). Empathic arousal plays a fundamental role in generating the motivation to care and help another person in distress and depends only minimally on mindreading and perspective-taking capacities. In naturalistic studies, young children with high empathy disposition are more readily aroused vicariously by other' sadness, pain or distress, but at the same time possess greater capacities for emotion regulation so that their own negative arousal motivates rather than overwhelms their desire to alleviate the other's distress (Miller and Jansen op de Haar, 1997; Nichols et al., 2009). Empathic arousal is a bottom-up process in which the amygdala, hypothalamus, anterior insula (aINS), and orbitofrontal cortex (OFC) underlie rapid and prioritized processing of emotion signals sent by others (Decety and Svetlova, 2012). The cognitive component of empathy overlaps with the construct of perspective taking (Ruby and Decety, 2003). Perspective taking describes the ability to consciously put oneself into the mind of another individual and imagine what that person is thinking or feeling. The ability to adopt the perspective of another has previously been linked to social competence and social reasoning (Underwood and Moore, 1982). A substantial body of behavioral studies has documented that affective perspective taking is a powerful way to elicit empathy and concern for others (Batson et al., 1997; Decety and Hodges, 2006; Van Lange, 2008). For instance, Oswald (1996) found that affective perspective taking is more effective that cognitive perspective taking to evoke empathy and altruistic helping. Functional neuroimaging studies have consistently identified a circumscribed neural network reliably involved in perspective taking, which links the medial prefrontal cortex (mPFC), posterior superior temporal sulcus (pSTS/TPJ), and temporal poles/amygdala (Ruby and Decety, 2003, 2004; Hynes et al., 2006; Lawrence et al., 2006; Vollm et al., 2006; Rameson et al., 2011). Lesion studies have shown that affective perspective taking depends on intact medial and ventromedial prefrontal cortex (vmPFC) as well as regions in the posterior temporo-parietal cortex (Rankin et al., 2006). Importantly, neurological patients with damage to the vmPFC are found to exhibit a specific impairment in affective theory of mind tasks, sparing their cognitive empathy ability (Shamay-Tsoory et al., 2006).

In the empathy literature, a number of behavioral studies have documented a distinction between an imagine-self perspective and an imagine-other perspective (Batson, 2011). When adopting the former perspective, the central figure is oneself and one's own thoughts and feelings, and increases the salience of self-attributes. The imagining-other perspective involves an empathic attentional set in which the individual opens himself or herself in a deeply responsive way to the other person (Barrett-Lennard, 1981; Batson, 2009; Halpern, 2012). This distinction between imagine-self and imagine-other perspectives is also supported by functional neuroimaging research. For instance, when participants are asked to imagine being in physical pain themselves, they report greater pain intensity ratings and have greater activation in the aINS, aMCC, thalamus, and somatosensory cortex compared to imagining the same pain happening to another person (Jackson et al., 2006). The reverse contrast, imagining-other in pain vs. imagining oneself in pain, was associated with increased activity in the right pSTS and mPFC. Another study reported that self-perspective compared to other-perspective, when watching videos depicting facial expression of pain, led to higher activity in brain areas involved in the affective response to threat or pain, such as the amygdala, the insula, and the aMCC, as well as higher subjective ratings of personal distress (Lamm et al., 2007).

It is well established that individuals with psychopathy have limited aversive arousal to the distress and sadness cues of others (Van Honk and Schutter, 2006; Blair, 2007; Anderson and Kiehl, 2011), but spared theory of mind and cognitive perspective taking capacities (Blair, 2005; but see Brook and Kosson, 2012). However, it is not known if, when they adopt the affective perspective taking of another person, the extent to which the active contemplation of another's affective experience modulates brain circuits involved in affective processing.

Building on past research on perspective taking and empathy with healthy participants (Jackson et al., 2006; Lamm et al., 2007; Decety and Porges, 2011) as well as a recent study of pain empathy in criminal psychopaths (Decety et al., 2013), incarcerated offenders with different levels of psychopathy on Factors 1 and 2 underwent fMRI scanning while watching visual stimuli depicting physical pain. To elicit first- or third-person perspective taking (or imagine-self and imagine-other perspectives respectively) we explicitly manipulated the task instructions given to the participants in the scanner before each block, by asking them to think of the situations as either occurring to them or to someone else. Factor 1 describes a constellation of affective and interpersonal traits considered to be fundamental to the construct of psychopathy, which includes shallow affect, callous and lack of empathy, while Factor 2 reflects an unstable and antisocial lifestyle (Hare, 2003). Based on fMRI studies that used similar instructions and stimuli with healthy participants, it was predicted that imagine-self perspective would be associated with stronger visceromotor response in the aINS, somatosensory cortex and ACC than imagine-other perspective taking in participants scoring low on the psychopathy checklist-revised (PCL-R), especially Factor 1, because these regions have been associated with activation of representations of pain and of other negative emotions (Benuzzi et al., 2008). However, due to altered responding to affective stimuli in psychopathy, the opposite effect was expected for individuals scoring high on psychopathy PCL-R Factor 1. When instructed to adopt the perspective of another individual in physical pain, we hypothesized that individuals scoring high on the PCL-R would show a pronounced deficit in aINS and vmPFC hemodynamic response. This prediction is based on the large body of evidence from lesion studies and neuroimaging studies with healthy individuals as well as with psychopaths that show the importance of these regions in affective perspective taking and empathic concern (Rankin et al., 2003; Shamay-Tsoory et al., 2003; Kiehl, 2006; Gleichgerrcht et al., 2011; Rameson et al., 2011; Decety et al., 2012; Young and Dungan, 2012). The distinction between imagine-self and imagine-other is critical, as most studies suggest that psychopaths have spared mentalizing (cognitive empathy) abilities, and that the key deficit appears to relate to their lack of concern about the impact of their behavior on potential victims, rather than the inability to adopt a victim-centered perspective (Dolan and Fullam, 2004).

Finally, analyses of functional segregation can be complemented by effective connectivity analyses. Whereas standard contrast analyses create a “snapshot” of regional brain activity in response to a task or condition, functional connectivity analyses can identify patterns of communication between regions that contrast analyses may not detect [see Decety and Porges, 2011; Zaki et al. (2007) for such methods in empathy for pain]. Given the role of the insula in mapping internal states of bodily and subjective feelings (Craig, 2002) and that of the amygdala in motivational salience (Cunningham and Brosch, 2012), these two regions were selected as seeds for the functional connectivity analyses.
 

Materials and Methods


Participants

One hundred twenty-four adult right-handed males between the ages of 18 and 50, incarcerated in a medium-security North American correctional facility, volunteered for the study and provided informed consent to the procedures described here, which were approved by the Institutional Review Boards of the University of New Mexico and the University of Chicago. Participants underwent the PCL-R assessment, including file review and interview, conducted by trained research assistants under the supervision of Dr. Kiehl. Three participants were excluded for excessive movement in the scanner. Participants scoring 30 and above on the PCL-R were assigned to the high-psychopathy group (n = 37; age 32.5 ± 7.8; IQ 103.3 ± 13). To create the medium- and low-psychopathy groups, two groups of volunteers were matched to high scorers on age, race and ethnicity, IQ (WAIS), comorbidity for DSM-IV Axis II disorders, and past drug abuse and dependence, from pools of incarcerated volunteers scoring between 21 and 29 (n = 44; age 34.1 ± 7; IQ 97.3 ± 12.7), and volunteers scoring below 20 on the PCL-R (n = 40; age 34.6 ± 6.9; IQ 99.3 ± 14), respectively. Participants were paid for their participation in the study.


Exclusion Criteria 
Additional participants who volunteered for the study but met exclusion criteria were not included. Exclusion criteria were age younger than 18 years or older than 55, non-fluency in English, reading level lower than 4th grade, IQ score lower than 80, history of seizures, prior head injury with loss of consciousness > 30 min, current Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (4th ed.; American Psychiatric Association, 1994) Axis I diagnosis, lifetime history of a psychotic disorder or psychotic disorder in a first degree relative, or current alcohol or drug use.
 

Task Design

Participants in the MRI scanner were instructed to adopt either a self-perspective or an other-perspective while viewing visual stimuli depicting right hands and right feet of individuals in painful and non-painful situations [stimuli and procedure similar to Jackson et al. (2006)]. All stimuli showed familiar events that can happen in everyday life to people (e.g., pinching one's finger in a door, or catching one's toe under a heavy object). Various types (mechanical, thermal and pressure) of pain inflicted to the limbs were depicted. Neutral pictures showed limbs in visually similar situations without pain component (e.g., a hand on the handle of a drawer as opposed to being caught in the same drawer). Participants viewed 120 stimuli of pain and no pain. Each trial lasted 1.4 s and consisted of one of the pain scenarios, and the inter-stimuli intervals were jittered between 2.5 and 5.4 s. Timing parameters were generated using a genetic optimization algorithm (Wager and Nichols, 2003). Eye-tracking was monitored in the scanner to ensure that participants were paying attention to the stimuli.


Perspective Instructions 
A mixed block-event related fMRI design [24 blocks (12 imagine-self and 12 imagine-other) with a total 120 trials] was employed, in which instructions were given to the subjects at the beginning of each block, i.e., for the imagine-self perspective blocks (“Imagine that these situations are happening to you”), and for the imaging-other perspective blocks (“Imagine that these situations are happening to someone else”). A colored border (blue or yellow) around the stimuli was used to further cue participants about which perspective to employ. Block order was pseudo-randomized across participants. Painful and non-painful scenarios were randomized within each block. Post-scan debriefings were conducted to make sure that subjects did follow the perspective-taking instructions.

MRI Acquisition
Scanning was conducted on a 1.5 Tesla Siemens Magnetom Avanto mobile unit equipped with advanced SQ gradients and a twelve element head coil. Functional images were collected using an EPI gradient-echo pulse sequence with TR/TE = 2000/39 ms, flip angle = 90°, field of view = 240 × 240 mm, matrix = 64 × 64 cm, in-plane resolution = 3.4 × 3.4 mm, slice thickness = 5 mm, and 30 slices, full-brain coverage. Task presentation was implemented using the commercial software package E-Prime (Psychology Software Tools, Inc., Pittsburgh PA).

High-resolution T1-weighted structural MRI scans were acquired using a multiecho MPRAGE pulse sequence (repetition time = 2530 ms, echo times = 1.64 ms, 3.50 ms, 5.36 ms, 7.22 ms, inversion time = 1100 ms, flip angle = 7°, slice thickness = 1.3 mm, matrix size = 256 × 256) yielding 128 sagittal slices with an in-plane resolution of 1.0 × 1.0 mm.


Image Processing and Analysis 
Functional images were processed with SPM8 (Wellcome Department of Imaging Neuroscience, London, UK) in Matlab (Mathworks Inc., Sherborn, MA, USA). For each participant, functional data were realigned to the first image acquisition of the series and re-sampled to a voxel size of 2 × 2 × 2 mm3. Structural T1 images were co-registered to the mean functional image and segmented using the “New Segment” routine. A group-level structural template and individual flow fields were created using DARTEL, and the flow fields were in turn were used to spatially normalize functional images to standard MNI space. Data were smoothed with an 8 mm full-width at half maximum (FWHM) isotropic Gaussian kernel. Three participants were eliminated from further analysis due to issues related to movement or image quality, leaving N = 121 (n = 40, 47, 37 for low, intermediate, and high psychopathy, respectively).

Statistics were calculated at the first level using the general linear model. The design matrix included three regressors for each stimulus category (detailed above), representing the event onsets and their time and dispersion derivatives. Movement parameters from the realignment output were included as regressors of no interest. All participants were entered into a second-level pooled analysis, and full brain activations were thresholded voxelwise at p < 0.001 and with an extent threshold based on Gaussian random fields set to control the whole-brain family-wise error rate (FWE) at p < 0.05.

Second-level analyses were conducted by comparing the extremes of the sample distribution of PCL-R scores, and then as a continuous regressor using the entire sample. Participants with PCL-R total score at or above 30 were selected for the psychopathy group, while participants scoring at 20 or below comprised the incarcerated control group. For these analyses, regions of interest (ROIs) were defined using the MarsBar ROI toolbox. We focused on brain regions that were of maximal importance to the hypotheses under investigation, informed by the existing literature on empathy for pain in particular from a meta-analysis of 32 fMRI studies of empathy for pain (Lamm et al., 2011). MNI coordinates were selected from a previous fMRI study of empathy for pain in 80 male incarcerated participants (Decety et al., 2013). That study employed the same 1.5 mobile MRI scanner, and exposed the participants (from a different North American prison) to visual stimuli depicting bodily physical pain and videos of facial expressions of pain. ROI data are reported for significant contrast image peaks within 10 mm of these a priori coordinates (FWE-corrected p < 0.05). Beyond existing literature on the processing of empathy-inducing stimuli in healthy populations, there may be additional cortical or subcortical brain regions that contribute to abnormal processing of these regions in psychopathy. For instance, the ventral striatum has been found to be over-reactive in adolescents with conduct disorder as well as sexual sadists (Decety et al., 2009; Harenski et al., 2012). Therefore, coordinates for the ventral striatum were selected from a recent meta-analysis of fMRI studies (Diekhof et al., 2012).

To explore the extent to which results found in the groupwise analysis are driven by PCL-R Factor 1, Factor 2, or both, the regions reported above were tested for significant correlation with PCL-R factor scores. Corresponding t-values for sub-factor covariates within 10 mm of the ROIs above, if significant, were reported for each factor and task.


Functional Connectivity 
Effective connectivity using psychophysiological interaction (PPI, Gitelman et al., 2003) was used to examine the effective connectivity from the anterior insula during imagine-first and imagine-third perspective taking conditions. The right anterior insula was selected because of its role in affective processing and attention. This polysensory region is considered as the integral hub of a salience network, which assists target brain regions in the generation of appropriate behavioral responses to salient stimuli (Menon and Uddin, 2010). Under the hypothesis that high psychopathy may result from a systemic brain deficit which is reflected in abnormal functional-connectivity patterns while imagining pain, we compared effective connectivity in imagine-self perspective and imagine-other perspective conditions between low- and high-psychopathy groups. Because of the importance of the amygdala reactivity (or the lack thereof) in psychopathy, we also ran a similar PPI analysis seeded in the right amygdala.

The time series of the first eigenvariates of the BOLD signal were temporally filtered, mean corrected, and deconvolved to generate the time series of the neuronal signal for the source region—the insula—as the physiological variable in the PPI. The psychological variable represented the time course of the contrast between painful and non-painful trials. An additional regressor represented the interaction of the psychological and physiological factors. These regressors were convolved with the canonical HRF and entered into the regression model. The interaction term in the resulting SPM showed areas with selective connectivity to the insula across the psychological contrast of pain vs. no pain. The PPI analysis was performed for each subject, and the resulting images of contrast estimates were entered into a random-effects group analysis. Second-level analysis results are reported at a voxelwise statistical cutoff of p < 0.001 and a spatial extent threshold of k > 10 voxels.
 

Results


The entire sample of 121 participants (regardless of their psychopathy level) showed significant neuro-hemodynamic increase in the network of regions involved in the actual experience of physical pain under the imagine-self trials (k > 10, p < 0.05, FWE corrected). This network includes the anterior insula (aINS), anterior midcingulate cortex (aMCC), supplementary motor area (SMA), inferior frontal gyrus (IFG), dorsomedial prefrontal cortex (dmPFC), mPFC, and somatosensory cortex, in both hemispheres (Table 1). In addition, signal change was detected in the left striatum and right amygdala.

TABLE 1
http://c431376.r76.cf2.rackcdn.com/62977/fnhum-07-00489-HTML/image_m/fnhum-07-00489-t001.jpg
Table 1. Imagine-self perspective.
When participants adopted the imagine-other perspective, a similar network was implicated, except for the right amygdala (Table 2). The only additional regions activated were the pSTS and mPFC in the right hemisphere. When imagine-other perspective was contrasted with imagine-self perspective, bilateral activation was detected in the superior parietal cortex (−23, −52, 60 and 27, −44, 59), superior frontal gyrus (−21, −7, 52 and 26, −8, 52), and dorsal striatum (−6, 4, 12 and 9, 4, 11). No significant signal increase was detected for the reverse contrast.
TABLE 2
http://c431376.r76.cf2.rackcdn.com/62977/fnhum-07-00489-HTML/image_m/fnhum-07-00489-t002.jpg
Table 2. Imagine-other perspective.

Region of Interest Analyses


Results from the ROI analyses are presented in Table 3. When participants with low scores on the PCL-R were compared with individuals scoring high on the PCL-R, the mPFC (−12, 52, 8) was activated during imagine-self perspective. A cluster of significant hemodynamic increase was found in the OFC. The opposite contrast (high psychopathy > low psychopathy) showed increased signal in the aMCC, SMA, right aINS, IFG, and right pSTS/TPJ. All participants showed significant response in the right amygdala during imagine-self perspective (Figure 1).

TABLE 3  
http://c431376.r76.cf2.rackcdn.com/62977/fnhum-07-00489-HTML/image_m/fnhum-07-00489-t003.jpg
Table 3. Groupwise results and factor sub-score covariates for imagine-self and imagine-other perspectives.
FIGURE 1
http://c431376.r76.cf2.rackcdn.com/62977/fnhum-07-00489-HTML/image_m/fnhum-07-00489-g001.jpg
Figure 1. Response in the right amygdala across groups of low (L), medium (M), and high (H) psychopathy (on total PCL-R scores) participants, when they adopted an imagine-self and an imagine-other affective perspective while viewing bodily injuries. Groupwise effects (bars at the bottom of the figure) are expanded to show the contribution of continuous PCL-R subscores on Factor 1, which encompasses the emotional/interpersonal features of psychopathy.
During the imagine-other perspective, individuals with low scores on the PCL-R compared with individuals with high scores on the PCL-R, showed greater signal change in the SMA, right mPFC, intraparietal sulcus, precentral gyrus, and parahippocampal gyrus/amygdala, pSTS, dorsal aINS and dorsal ACC. In participants with high scores on the PCL-R, the imagine-other perspective was associated with greater activation in the dlPFC and ventral striatum (p < 0.001), when compared to low-scoring incarcerated controls.


Correlations Between PCL-R Scores and ROIs


The hemodynamic response in the aINS was significantly greater in individuals scoring high on psychopathy (total PCL-R score) during imagine-self perspective, and the reverse was found for imagine-other perspective (Figure 2). Factor 2 positively correlated with the activity in aINS during imagine-self perspective (r = 0.372, p = 0.016), whereas it negatively correlated with aINS activity during imagine-other perspective (r = −0.254, p = 0.01). Factor 1 was negatively correlated with response in aINS during third-person perspective (r = −0.272, p = 0.01). Activity in the dmPFC was negatively associated with both Factor 1 (r = −0.24, p < 0.01) and Factor 2 (r = −0.237, p = 0.01) during imagine-self perspective. The hemodynamic response in the dlPFC was positively correlated with both Factor 1 (r = 0.288, p < 0.01) and Factor 2 (r = 0.274, p < 0.01) during imagine-other perspective. The response in the ventral striatum during imagine-other perspective significantly correlated with scores on Factor 1 (r = 0.212, p < 0.02, see Figure 3). Finally, response in the right amygdala (26, 2, −18) showed a negative correlation with Factor 1 (r = −0.258, p = 0.04) during imagine-other perspective. No significant correlation was found in imagine-self perspective with either Factors 1 and 2. See Table 3 for a complete list of results.

FIGURE 2
http://c431376.r76.cf2.rackcdn.com/62977/fnhum-07-00489-HTML/image_m/fnhum-07-00489-g002.jpg
Figure 2. Response in the right anterior insula across groups (L, low; M, medium; H, high on total PCL-R scores) during imagine-self and imagine-other perspectives in participants viewing bodily injuries. Groupwise effects seen in (bar graph) are expanded to show the contribution of Factors 1 and 2 from PCL-R subscores.
FIGURE 3
http://c431376.r76.cf2.rackcdn.com/62977/fnhum-07-00489-HTML/image_m/fnhum-07-00489-g003.jpg

Figure 3. Response in the right ventral striatum in participants scoring high on the PCL-R (≥30) when they imagined another person in pain, and correlation with scores on Factor 1.

Effective Connectivity Analyses


Functional connectivity analyses seeded in the anterior insula revealed distinct patterns in functional coupling between the low- and high-psychopathy groups. During imagine-self perspective, individuals scoring low on the PCL-R showed a negative connectivity between the aINS and the hippocampus and the OFC (Figure 4). In the high psychopathy group, there was only significant functional connectivity between the aINS and the right pSTS. During imagine-other perspective, low-psychopathy participants had significant effective connectivity between the aINS and posterior cingulate cortex and dlPFC (Figure 5). In high-scoring participants, negative connectivity was found between aINS and the right OFC and posterior cingulate cortex.

FIGURE 4
http://c431376.r76.cf2.rackcdn.com/62977/fnhum-07-00489-HTML/image_m/fnhum-07-00489-g004.jpg
Figure 4. Functional connectivity analyses, seeded in the anterior insula in participants with the lowest scores on the PCL-R (≤20) and participants with the highest scores on the PCL-R (≥30) during imagine-self perspective.
FIGURE 5
http://c431376.r76.cf2.rackcdn.com/62977/fnhum-07-00489-HTML/image_m/fnhum-07-00489-g005.jpg
Figure 5. Functional connectivity analyses, seeded in the anterior insula in participants with the lowest scores on the PCL-R and participants with the highest scores on the PCL-R (>30) during imagine-other perspective.  
Functional connectivity analyses seeded in the right amygdala showed distinct patterns of co-variations depending on the perspective adopted in controls vs. psychopaths. During imagine-self perspective, controls exhibited a significant negative coupling between the amygdala and ventral and mPFC, while participants with high scores on the PCL-R showed a positive coupling with the pSTS/TPJ, ventral and mPFC, and dlPFC (Figure 6). During imagine-other perspective, the reverse pattern of functional connectivity was observed. Low psychopathy was associated with greater positive coupling with the OFC, whereas the high psychopathy showed a negative coupling with the OFC and dlPFC (Figure 7).
FIGURE 6
http://c431376.r76.cf2.rackcdn.com/62977/fnhum-07-00489-HTML/image_m/fnhum-07-00489-g006.jpg
Figure 6. Functional connectivity analyses, seeded in the right amygdala in participants with the lowest scores on the PCL-R (≤20) and participants with the highest scores on the PCL-R (≥30) during imagine-self perspective.
FIGURE 7
http://c431376.r76.cf2.rackcdn.com/62977/fnhum-07-00489-HTML/image_m/fnhum-07-00489-g007.jpg
Figure 7. Functional connectivity analyses, seeded in the right amygdala in participants with the lowest scores on the PCL-R and participants with the highest scores on the PCL-R (>30) during imagine-other perspective.

Discussion


Perspective taking while observing or imagining other's feelings has been described as an empathic attentional set that facilitates other-oriented emotional and motivational responses congruent with the perceived welfare of that person (Van Lange, 2008; Batson, 2012). To examine the extent to which affective reactions can be evoked or modulated by perspective taking in individuals with psychopathy, incarcerated participants with different levels on the PCL-R were scanned while viewing stimuli depicting bodily injuries and instructed to imagine these situations as either happening to themselves or to someone else.

At the group level, collapsed across the PCL-R scores (n = 121), both conditions of imagine-self and imagine-other in pain were associated with signal increase in brain regions implicated in the perception of pain and distress, when viewing body parts suffering injuries or facial expressions of pain (Jackson et al., 2006; Lamm et al., 2007, 2011; Decety and Porges, 2011; Bruneau et al., 2012). In healthy participants, activity in this network, which includes the aINS, thalamus, aMCC, IFG, and somatosensory cortex, has been interpreted as a form of somatosensory resonance, or shared neural representations with the pain of others, providing an implicit intersubjective affective knowledge (Decety and Jackson, 2004; Singer and Decety, 2011; Zaki and Ochsner, 2012). However, these vicariously instigated activations of the so-called “pain matrix” are not specific to the sensory qualities of pain, but instead are associated with more general survival mechanisms such as aversion and withdrawal when exposed to danger and threat (Benuzzi et al., 2008; Decety, 2010). In fact, based on a systematic review of electroencephalographic and functional MRI studies that examined neural response triggered by nociceptive stimuli, activity of this cortical network seems to reflect a system involved in detecting, processing, and reacting to the occurrence of salient sensory events regardless of the sensory channel through which these events are conveyed (Legrain et al., 2011).

Interestingly and quite surprisingly, the hemodynamic response in aINS and aMCC, regions considered as pivotal in the affective component of empathy, was highest in high psychopaths during imagine-self perspective, replicating the results of a recent study of pain empathy in criminal psychopaths that reported greater activation in the insula, which was positively correlated with scores on both PCL-R factors 1 and 2 (Decety et al., 2013) (Figure 2). The aINS and aMCC are the two regions that have been most reliably activated in fMRI studies of pain empathy with healthy subjects (Valentini, 2010; Lamm et al., 2011). This finding does not support the view that psychopaths do not resonate when exposed aversive stimuli such as pain, or at least they are not totally blunted when they take a first-person perspective. This finding also raises an interesting question: whether or not sensorimotor resonance (underpinned by the mirror neuron system involved in perception-action coupling) is the mechanism that facilitates emotion contagion and empathic arousal. Psychopaths are characterized by a lack of affective empathy, but there is little evidence that they show a deficit in sensorimotor resonance (Blair, 2011; Decety, 2011b). For instance, a transcranial magnetic stimulation study demonstrated increased sensorimotor resonance to painful hand-pricking videos in college students scoring high on the psychopathic personality inventory (PPI), as compared to students who score low on the PPI (Fecteau et al., 2008). Juvenile incarcerated psychopaths showed greater sensorimotor resonance as measured by EEG and suppression of the mu rhythm when they viewed visual stimuli depicting people being physically injured, despite a lack of affective arousal to the same stimuli as measured by the N120 ERP component (Cheng et al., 2012). Children with aggressive conduct disorder and psychopathic tendencies and incarcerated psychopaths exhibit typical (Marsh et al., 2013) or even stronger activation in the somatosensory cortex than control participants when they watched scenarios depicting people in pain (Decety et al., 2009, 2013), all of which does not suggest an impairment in somatosensory responses to others' pain. Our finding that participants scoring high on psychopathy activate the pain network during imagine-self perspective fits well with studies showing that individuals with psychopathy may up-regulate emotional (at least for fear) processing when attention to salient stimuli is particularly engaged (Newman and Lorenz, 2003), and this may be the case for pain.

Furthermore, and as expected, the lower the participants scored on Factors 1 and 2 of the PCL-R, the higher the activity in the aINS during imaging-other perspective. This indicates that more vicarious experience was elicited in control participants when they imagined another in pain, and the opposite pattern (low activation in the aINS) was found in participants who scored high on psychopathy. In addition, functional connectivity analyses, seeded in the right aINS during imagine-self perspective negatively co-varied with activation in the hippocampal gyrus and OFC in control participants (low on psychopathy), and was positively coupled with the right pSTS region in psychopaths. During imagine-other perspective, the aINS positively covaried with activity in the right dlPFC and PCC in controls, and negatively with the OFC and PCC in high psychopaths. Altogether, the hemodynamic response in the aINS shows distinct profiles of activation depending on whether participants adopted an imagine-self or imagine-other perspective taking. These results from the imagine-other perspective condition support two recent functional neuroimaging studies in children with conduct disorder (Lockwood et al., 2013; Marsh et al., 2013). Both studies reported a reduced response in the aINS and ACC when the children viewed pictures of others in pain. Furthermore, a negative association between callous traits and the aINS/ACC was found. The fact that individuals with high scores on the PCL-R showed a reduced response when imagining the pain of another suggests a specific deficit in affective processing in a region considered as a critical hub to integrate salient stimuli and events with visceral and autonomic information (Menon and Uddin, 2010).

Signal change in the right amygdala was detected during imagine-self perspective in all participants, and during imagine-other perspective in controls. The hemodynamic response in the amygdala was inversely correlated with individual scores on PCL-R Factor 1 during imagine-other perspective. This is in line with most neuroimaging studies of psychopathy that documented reduced amygdala response to fearful and aversive stimuli (Marsh and Blair, 2008; Harenski et al., 2009). This finding is consistent with the notion that psychopaths lack the ability to be responsive to, or aroused by distress cues, and therefore are not sensitive to signs of vulnerability. A recent fMRI study in youths with psychopathic traits also reported reduction in the amygdala and insula when they imagined physical injuries to others, but not their own pain (Marsh et al., 2013).

It is very interesting to note that imagine-self perspective was associated with activity in the amygdala in psychopaths when they focus on their own affective reaction. While most studies report a reduced response in the amygdala in psychopaths, an fMRI study conducted on a small number psychopaths and controls found increased activation in the right amygdala in the psychopath group with respect to controls when viewing negative IAPS pictures (Müller et al., 2003), indicating that the role of the amygdala in psychopathy may not be straightforward, nor its lateralization. A meta-analysis of 67 neuroimaging studies reported that the lateralization of activation in the amygdala was explained by differences in temporal dynamics and/or habituation rates, namely a short-duration response in the right amygdala and a more sustained one in the left (Sergerie et al., 2008). It is however difficult to interpret the amygdala activation during imagine-self perspective further without a more fine-grain analysis of amygdala sub-nuclei and their anatomical connectivity, which helps determine their function (Saygin et al., 2011). With this caveat in mind, it is important to note that functional connectivity analyses, seeded in the right amygdala, demonstrated very different patterns of connectivity depending on the perspective taking strategy (imagine-self vs. imagine-other) and participants (low vs. high psychopaths). The response in the right amygdala was negatively coupled with activity in the OFC in controls and positively correlated with the OFC and dlPFC and pSTS in high psychopathy during imagine-self perspective (Figure 3). The exact reverse functional connectivity was detected during imagine-other perspective (Figure 4). This finding specifically points to amygdala–OFC interactions as being an important neural mechanism that underlies the outcome of perspective taking in psychopathy. It seems to indicate that during imagine-self perspective, individuals with psychopathy elicit amygdala-OFC coupling but fail to do so during imagine-other perspective. Such a failure to recruit the OFC during third-person perspective taking supports the dysfunction of this neural pathway in response to distress cues of others in psychopaths. It has been argued that the integrated functioning of this circuit enables the basics of care-based morality, and that dysfunction within these regions in psychopathy means that reinforcement-based decision making, including moral decision making, and care base morality is impaired (Blair, 2007; Shamay-Tsoory et al., 2010; Marsh et al., 2011). One theory of the origin of empathic deficits in psychopathy is the failure during development to form stimulus-reinforcement associations connecting harmful or aggressive actions with the pain and distress of others (Kiehl, 2006; Glenn and Raine, 2009). It is worth mentioning that psychopathic traits are not exclusively associated with amygdala hyporeactivity. A study that included 200 young adults with self-reported psychopathy assessment found that amygdala reactivity to fearful facial expressions is negatively associated with the interpersonal facet of psychopathy, whereas reactivity to angry expressions is positively associated with the lifestyle facet (Carré et al., 2013).

Finally, the increase of activity in the ventral striatum during imagine-other perspective in psychopaths, which was predicted by their scores on Factor 1 of the PCL-R, is an intriguing finding. This could suggest that psychopaths not only experience blunted vicariously arousal to others' pain and reduced feelings of concern when adopting their perspective, but they may in fact find the distress of others pleasurable or positively arousing. The ventral striatum is selectively recruited during reward anticipation in healthy participants (Diekhof et al., 2012 for a meta-analysis). In adolescents with conduct disorder and psychopathic tendencies, an fMRI study found activation of the ventral striatum during the perception of pain in others (Decety et al., 2009). In healthy subjects, the ventral striatum has been associated with experiencing pleasure at others' misfortune (e.g., Dvash et al., 2010; Cikara et al., 2011). It has been suggested that neurons in the ventral striatum have access to central representations of reward and thereby participate in the processing of information underlying the motivational control of goal-directed behavior (Schultz et al., 1992). Activation of the ventral striatum while imaging another in physical pain was correlated with PCL-R Factor 1, and not Factor 2. Abnormalities in the ventral and dorsal striatum are considered to play a key role in the etiology of psychopathic traits (Buckholtz et al., 2010; Carré et al., 2013).
 

Conclusion


There is general consensus among theorists that the ability to adopt and entertain the psychological perspective of others has a number of important consequences, including empathic concern (e.g., Blair, 2007; Batson, 2009; Decety and Svetlova, 2012). Adopting the perspective of another is a powerful way to place oneself in the situation or emotional state of that person (Batson, 2011). Our results demonstrate that while individuals with psychopathy exhibited a strong response in pain-affective brain regions when taking an imagine-self perspective, they failed to recruit the neural circuits that are were activated in controls during an imagine-other perspective, and that may contribute to lack of empathic concern. Finally, this atypical pattern of activation and effective connectivity associated with perspective taking manipulations may inform intervention programs in a domain where therapeutic pessimism is more the rule than the exception (Salekin, 2002). Altered connectivity may constitute novel therapeutic targets for interventions. Both cognitive and pharmacotherapy interventions may restore connectivity patterns (Crocker et al., 2013). Imagining oneself in pain or in distress may trigger a stronger affective reaction than imagining what another person would feel, and this could be used with some psychopaths in cognitive-behavior therapies as a kick-starting technique for eliciting emotional tagging of different outcomes of interpersonal situations.


Conflict of Interest Statement

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.
 

Acknowledgments

This study was supported by NIMH R01 grant 1R01MH087525-01A2 (J. Decety, PI) and by NIMH R01 grant MH070539-01 and NIDA 1R01DA026505-01A1 (K. Kiehl, PI). Dr. J. Decety, Dr. C. Chen, Dr. C. Harenski, and Dr. K. Kiehl have no conflicts of interest to disclose. Dr. Decety takes full responsibility for the integrity of the data and the accuracy of the data analysis. All authors had full access to all the data in the study.


Sunday, July 28, 2013

Brain Research Shows Psychopathic Criminals Do Not Lack Empathy, but Fail to Use It Automatically


This article has received a lot of attention because it reverses some commonly held beliefs about psychopaths, namely that they are incapable of empathy. I have long believed that they do possess empathy but that they use it to control and manipulate people.

Is there a difference between psychopaths and sociopaths? It seems the answer is yes.
Leading modern researchers in this area believe that psychopathy is biological in origin and that the psychopath may or may not engage in criminal behavior, and that the sociopath is the product of adverse environmental conditions interacting with genetic traits and will inevitably engage in criminal behavior (Hare, Clark, Grann, & Thornton, 2000; Pitchford, 2001). Psychopaths constitute a small group of individuals whose numbers remain fairly stable across cultures and time periods. They can come from any social class, family type, or racial or ethnic group. The number of sociopaths, on the other hand, fluctuates with environmental conditions and they tend to come primarily from the lower social classes, from dysfunctional families, and from disadvantaged minority groups (Lykken, 1995). [Walsh & Wu, 2008].
So it seems that psychopath has an organic brain disorder while the sociopath comes from adverse social and environmental conditions (abuse, neglect, molestation, abandonment, etc.) with a genetic predisposition (epigenetic triggers).

Psychopaths may engage in criminal behavior, but sociopaths will engage in criminal behavior.

Psychopaths represent a fixed percentage of the population, and can be from any social class, family type, or ethnic heritage. Sociopaths represent a fluctuating percentage of the population, dependent on environmental conditions, but they tend to come from lower social classes, dysfunction families, and disadvantaged minority groups.

This new research may bridge the gap in helping researchers understand how psychopaths can be found among successful entrepreneurs, CEOs, lawyers, religious leaders, cult leaders, and politicians. These people may exploit and manipulate others (and having the option of empathy makes this easier), but they may never commit a criminal act.

Reference:
1. Walsh, A., & Wu, H.H. (2008, Jun 1). Differentiating antisocial personality disorder, psychopathy, and sociopathy: Evolutionary, genetic, neurological, and sociological considerations. Criminal Justice Studies, 2, 135-152.
Here is the abstract for the original article, which is free to view online, and then a summary of the research from Science Daily:

Reduced spontaneous but relatively normal deliberate vicarious representations in psychopathy


Harma Meffert [1,2,3], Valeria Gazzola [1,3], Johan A. den Boer [4], Arnold A. J. Bartels [5], and Christian Keysers [1,3]

Author Affiliations
1. Department of Neuroscience, University of Groningen, University Medical Centre Groningen, The Netherlands2. Forensic Psychiatric Clinic Dr. S. van Mesdag, Groningen, The Netherlands3. Social Brain Laboratory, Netherlands Institute for Neuroscience, Royal Netherlands Academy of Arts and Sciences, Amsterdam, The Netherlands4. Department of Psychiatry University Medical Centre Groningen, The Netherlands5. Dr. Leo Kannerhuis, Doorwerth, The Netherlands
Summary

Psychopathy is a personality disorder associated with a profound lack of empathy. Neuroscientists have associated empathy and its interindividual variation with how strongly participants activate brain regions involved in their own actions, emotions and sensations while viewing those of others. Here we compared brain activity of 18 psychopathic offenders with 26 control subjects while viewing video clips of emotional hand interactions and while experiencing similar interactions. Brain regions involved in experiencing these interactions were not spontaneously activated as strongly in the patient group while viewing the video clips. However, this group difference was markedly reduced when we specifically instructed participants to feel with the actors in the videos. Our results suggest that psychopathy is not a simple incapacity for vicarious activations but rather reduced spontaneous vicarious activations co-existing with relatively normal deliberate counterparts.
Full Citation:
H. Meffert, V. Gazzola, J. A. den Boer, A. A. J. Bartels, C. Keysers. (2013). Reduced spontaneous but relatively normal deliberate vicarious representations in psychopathy. Brain; 136 (8): 2550-2562. DOI: 10.1093/brain/awt190


Here is a summary of the research from Science Daily - but you can also read the original study online for free - Oxford Journals (publisher of Brain) has made this article Open Access. At the bottom there are some related articles.

Brain Research Shows Psychopathic Criminals Do Not Lack Empathy, but Fail to Use It Automatically


July 24, 2013 — Criminal psychopathy can be both repulsive and fascinating, as illustrated by the vast number of books and movies inspired by this topic. Offenders diagnosed with psychopathy pose a significant threat to society, because they are more likely to harm other individuals and to do so again after being released. A brain imaging study in the Netherlands shows individuals with psychopathy have reduced empathy while witnessing the pains of others. When asked to empathize, however, they can activate their empathy. This could explain why psychopathic individuals can be callous and socially cunning at the same time.

This image shows the movies shown to the participants (left) and brain activation of the participants with psychopathy without instructions (behind) and with instructions to empathize (front). (Credit: Royal Netherlands Academy of Arts and Sciences)
Why are psychopathic individuals more likely to hurt others? Individuals with psychopathy characteristically demonstrate reduced empathy with the feelings of others, which may explain why it is easier for them to hurt other people. However, what causes this lack of empathy is poorly understood. Scientific studies on psychopathic subjects are notoriously hard to conduct. "Convicted criminals with a diagnosis of psychopathy are confined to high-security forensic institutions in which state-of-the-art technology to study their brain, like magnetic resonance imaging, is usually unavailable," explains Professor Christian Keysers, Head of the Social Brain Lab in Amsterdam, and senior author of a study on psychopathy appearing in the journal Brain this week. "Bringing them to scientific research centres, on the other hand, requires the kind of high-security transportation that most judicial systems are unwilling to finance."

The Dutch judicial system, however, seems to be an exception. They joined forces with academia to promote a better understanding of psychopathy. As a result, criminals with psychopathy were transported to the Social Brain Lab of the University Medical Center in Groningen (The Netherlands). There, the team could use state of the art high-field functional magnetic resonance imaging to peak into the brain of criminals with psychopathy while they view the emotions of others.

The study, which will appear on the 25th of July in the journalBrain (published by Oxford University Press) and is entitled "Reduced spontaneous but relatively normal deliberate vicarious representations in psychopathy," included 18 individuals with psychopathy and a control group, and consisted of three parts. "All participants first watched short movie clips of two people interacting with each other, zoomed in on their hands. The movie clips showed one hand touching the other in a loving, a painful, a socially rejecting or a neutral way. At this stage, we asked them to look at these movies just as they would watch one of their favourite films," Harma Meffert, the first author of the paper, explains. Meffert was a graduate student in the Social Brain Lab while the study was conducted, and is now a post-doctoral fellow at the National Institutes of Mental Health in Bethesda.

Next, the participants watched the same clips again. This time, however, the researchers prompted them explicitly to "empathise with one of the actors in the movie," that is, they were requested to really try to feel what the actors in the movie were feeling.

"In the third and final part, we performed similar hand interactions with the participants themselves, while they were lying in the scanner, having their brain activity measured," adds Meffert. "We wanted to know to what extent they would activate the same brain regions while they were watching the hand interactions in the movies, as they would when they were experiencing these same hand interactions themselves."

Our brains are equipped with what scientists call a "mirror system." For example, the motor cortex of the brain normally allows you to move your own body. Your so called somatosensory cortex, when activated, makes you to feel touch on your skin. Your insula, finally, when activated makes you feel emotions like pain or disgust. In the last decades, brain scientists have discovered that when people watch other people move their body, or see those people being touched, or have emotions, these same brain regions are activated. In other words, the actions, touch or emotions of others become your own. This "mirror system" possibly constitutes a crucial part of our ability to empathize with other people, and it has been previously shown, that the less you activate this system, the less you report to empathize with other people. It has been suggested that individuals with psychopathy might somehow suffer from a broken "mirror system," resulting in a diminished ability to empathize with their victims.

As it turns out, however, the picture seems to be more complex. When asked to just watch the film clips, the individuals with psychopathy indeed did activate their mirror system less. "Regions involved in their own actions, emotions and sensations were less active than that of controls while they saw what happens in others," summarizes Christian Keysers. "At first, this seems to suggest that psychopathic criminals might hurt others more easily than we do, because they do not feel pain, when they see the pain of their victims."

As the second part of the study revealed, however, it's not quite so simple. Instead of generally activating their mirror system less, individuals with psychopathy rather seem not to use this system spontaneously, but they can use it when asked to. "When explicitly asked to empathize, the differences between how strongly the individuals with and without psychopathy activate their own actions, sensations and emotions almost entirely disappeared in their empathic brain," explains Valeria Gazzola, Assistant Professor at the UMCG and second author of the paper. "Psychopathy may not be so much the incapacity to empathize, but a reduced propensity to empathize, paired with a preserved capacity to empathize when required to do so." The brain data suggests, that by default, psychopathic individuals feel less empathy than others. If they try to empathize, however, they can switch to 'empathy mode'.

There might be two sides to these findings. The darker side is that reduced spontaneous empathy together with a preserved capacity for empathy might be the cocktail that makes these individuals so callous when harming their victims and at the same time so socially cunning when they try to seduce their victims. Whether individuals with psychopathy autonomously switch their empathy mode on and off depending on the requirements of a social situation however remains to be established. The brighter side is that the preserved capacity for empathy might be harnessed in therapy. Instead of having to create a capacity for empathy, therapies may need to focus on making the existing capacity more automatic to prevent them from further harming others. How to do so, remains at this stage uncertain.

Related articles:


Thursday, December 06, 2012

The Challenges Of Treating Personality Disorders


From NPR's Talk of the Nation, this is an interesting discussion on personality disorders in psychotherapy. A lot of professionals would just as soon see the Axis II designation (personality disorders) dropped from the DSM - for a variety of reasons, not least of which is their origin in psychoanalytic theory.

One of the callers, near the end of the show, Dr. Deborah Rose (a psychiatrist in Palo Alto, CA) made a crucial and often neglected point in discussing various personality disorders -- if we can treat the underlying trauma, most personality disorders are curable, which runs counter to the accepted "wisdom," of the field.

One of the defining characteristics of a personality disorder (Axis II) versus a neurosis (Axis I) is that the Axis II person is fully ego syntonic, which means they think they are just fine and it's everyone else who is nuts. But an Axis I person is ego dystonic, meaning they know something is wrong, this is not who they see themselves as or who they have been up until that point.

Clearly the Axis II person will be more challenging, since they think there is nothing dysfunctional about their behavior. But rather than seeing them as "un-analyzable," as did Freud, we should simply understand that working with them will take time, and it will require more somatic techniques because their wounding is in the earliest development which is affective and somatic, but not verbal.

For a good introduction to and definition of personality disorders, check this link (a lot of what follows comes from this site and its very useful sections on personality disorders).

In general, there are three "types" of personality disorders (DSM-IV-TR): Cluster A (the "odd, eccentric" cluster), Cluster B (the "dramatic, emotional, erratic" cluster), and Cluster C (the "anxious, fearful" cluster).
  • Cluster A includes Paranoid Personality Disorder, Schizoid Personality Disorder, and Schizotypal Personality Disorders. These are defined by social awkwardness and social withdrawal.
  • Cluster B includes Borderline Personality Disorder, Narcissistic Personality Disorder, Histrionic Personality Disorder, and Antisocial Personality Disorder. These are related to affect regulation and impulse control (i.e., faulty attachment).
  • Cluster C includes the Avoidant, Dependent, and Obsessive-Compulsive Personality Disorders. All of these are anxiety based.
These are the four primary features that are thought to distinguish personality disorders from other mental illnesses:
1. Extreme and distorted thinking patterns
2. Problematic emotional response patterns
3. Impulse control problems
4. Significant interpersonal problems
I would add to the list, 5. Ego Syntonic, as mentioned above.

This is from Wikipedia on the changes expected in the DSM-5 regarding personality disorders:
Major changes have been proposed in the assessment and diagnosis of personality disorders.[30] These include a revamped definition of personality disorder and a dimensional rather than a categorical approach based on the severity of dysfunctional personality trait domains (negative emotionality, introversion, antagonism, disinhibition, compulsivity, and schizotypy). In addition, patients would be assessed on how much they match each of six prototypic personality disorder types: antisocial/psychopathic, avoidant, borderline, narcissistic, obsessive-compulsive, and schizotypal with their criteria being derived directly from the dimensional personality trait domains. Some former personality disorders, like histrionic personality disorder, will be submerged under facets of various personality type domains (in this case, the narcissism and histrionism facets of antagonism).
So now we have 6 personality disorders instead of 10. The ones that have been dropped are dependent, histrionic, paranoid, and schizoid.

Guests

Benedict Carey, science reporter, The New York Times
Mark Lenzenweger, psychology professor, Binghamton University
December 4, 2012
 
Personality disorders represent some of the most challenging and mysterious problems in the field of mental health. People suffering from antisocial personality disorder or obsessive compulsive personality disorder are often misdiagnosed. The effects on the sufferers and their families can be wrenching.

NEAL CONAN, HOST: 

This is TALK OF THE NATION. I'm Neal Conan, in Washington. Personality disorders come in many forms - avoidant, antisocial, narcissistic to name just a few. They make up a list of conditions difficult to characterize, difficult to treat. A team of psychiatric experts just wrapped up five years of work aimed at simplifying the diagnostic guidelines. Over the weekend the American Psychiatric Association rejected the proposed changes.

Mental health professionals, we want to hear from you this hour. How does the difficulty in defining personality disorder affect you and your patients? Give us a call, 800-989-8255. Email us, talk@npr.org. You can also join the conversation on our website. That's at npr.org. Click on TALK OF THE NATION.

Benedict Carey is a science reporter for the The New York Times. He wrote a piece called "Thinking Clearly about Personality Disorders" that ran on November 26 and joins us now from our bureau in New York. Good to have you back on the program.

BENEDICT CAREY: Thank you.

CONAN: And there's a lot we still don't know about personality disorders, but it is not because they are new.

CAREY: That's right. I mean they've been around forever. I mean personality is the most central and most memorable thing about any person, and of course we've seen all sorts of historical figures with clearly strange, grandiose personalities. You know, the Bible is full of interesting, charismatic characters that seem to represent sort of the extremes of personality.

And the personality disorders that we talk about now, or psychiatrists do, go back to the beginning of the 20th century, most of them do, and come out - mostly out of Freudian analysis, you know, therapists describing very interesting characters that come in to see them that don't fit into any category, an easy category.

CONAN: And how - we're defining terminology here, but how do these differ from things like psychosis or panic attacks, things like that?

CAREY: Right, those are symptoms. Those are things that come and go. Psychosis comes and goes, and so do panic attacks, and for that matter depression and other anxiety pangs. And they were for years in the manual of diagnosis separate, in an entirely separate category from personality, personality being, you know, something more long-standing that's rooted in who the person is, you know, who they - sort of how they grew up and how they deal with others and their emotional responses and much more sort of considered to be intrinsic to the individual than a passing symptom.

CONAN: And that makes it difficult for these people to understand there's something wrong.

CAREY: Right, I mean we all think we're kind of normal, right, more or less.

CONAN: Most days, anyway.

CAREY: That's right. And I don't think, you know, psychiatrists or clinical psychiatrists would say that always, that people are always blind to these things. I mean over time, you know, some of us, our blind spots become visible. But often that's the case. They are not so aware of the patterns, especially, you know, the disabling patterns and how they sort of fit together into kind of one archetype.

And so psychiatrists try to, you know, describe that and make it more understandable and so they can be treated.

CONAN: Yet all of this seems to have struck some rocky shoals. You wrote in your piece, and this is a damning thing to say, but many critics, you say, charge that psychiatry is failing patients. No other field of medicine can help.

CAREY: That's right, and I think a lot of psychiatrists agree with that, that these things, these personality disorders are difficult to identify. I think you need some training beyond, you know, beyond sort of the usual training. And also the treatments are very difficult too. They tend to be talk therapies, not always, but - and again, they're persistent, long-standing, long-standing problems.

It's really an extra load to be able to go and carefully identify something like this and treat it well. And so I think a lot of psychiatrists would agree that it's getting short shrift and that a lot of people, you know, could be helped by getting this directly addressed and aren't.

CONAN: And another problem that you point up in your story is that there are other symptoms that can accompany this - depression, anxiety. Those tend to get treated rather than the underlying condition.

CAREY: Yeah, that's right. It doesn't sound surprising. You know, if you have somebody who's, you know, sort of extremely narcissistic or paranoid or dependent, one of these personality disorder names, and all those things are evocative, and we know they can lead to, you know, severe emotional problems, not to mention, you know, it just - it doesn't help your relationships with other people.
So, you know, the - right now you can get drugs certainly for some of these things that may relieve the symptoms, but without addressing more core problems, you really - it's all temporary.

CONAN: We're talking with Benedict Carey, a science reporter for the The New York Times about personality disorders, and we want to hear from those of you in the mental health profession. How does the difficulty in defining, categorizing, diagnosing, treating these conditions, how does that affect you and your patients? 800-989-8255. Email us, talk@npr.org. Let's start with Christina(ph), Christina with us from Indianapolis.

CHRISTINA: Hi there.

CONAN: Hi.

CHRISTINA: Thank you for taking my call. My experience, I worked as a psychiatric technician in an inpatient hospital after I got my Bachelor's degree, and during that time - of course I had taken an abnormal psych class when I was in college and learned a little bit about these disorders - I got most of my training about how to identify various disorders alongside other clinicians.

And that - in that informal setting, there's a kind of a you-know-it-if-you-see-it mentality. And there's a lot of problems with that because what I would see when people would be admitted to the hospital, maybe this is that person's first encounter with this particular clinician, that patient and clinician are just getting to know each other.

And if that patient had a past (technical difficulties) disorder, but particularly (unintelligible) personality disorder, it would seem to bias the view on the clinical staff's part towards that person, whereas if the diagnosis was major depressive disorder or an anxiety disorder or even a psychotic disorder, that didn't seem to happen, the stigma didn't seem to be as strong.

I went on to get my doctoral degree, and now I teach at a campus where I get to teach the abnormal psych class. And so I try to have my students just think critically about this whole category of diagnosis and the many difficulties that are carried in the stigma and in the inconsistency across clinicians and applying the diagnostic categories.

I don't want to say that the APA has it completely wrong to retain it in the DSM, but going from DSM IV to DSM V, there's a lot of significant changes, and so I just think there are many, many worries about this whole category that leave us with more questions than answers.

CONAN: And just to clarify, the DSM sort of the bible of psychiatry. They're just coming out with a new edition, from IV to V, and that's where this difficulty of categorization sort of came to a point, Benedict Carey.

CAREY: Right, they spent years trying to update the manual. They do it every, whatever, 12 to 15 years. It's - it can be an arcane process. It is, mostly. But it's an influential book, and some of the - you know, some of the disorders are very interesting and very common. And so small changes or debates that are, you know, feel scholarly or mundane, often have, you know, have consequences, particularly in this book, the DSM V, or the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual, as it's called.

CONAN: And as you - you know, as you listen to our caller talking about this, you know, bias, it seemed to me that there was a bias, throwing your hands up in the air, personality disorders, but we don't know which one it is.

CAREY: Right, that certainly happens. I think the bias is understandable, because, you know, depression seems like something that happens to you, you know, the same thing with schizophrenia and bipolar and so on, whereas personality disorder, that feels like that's you. You know, that's on you. That's sort of how you sort of expressed yourself and managed your way through the world, and so you can see where there would be more stigma, I think.

Yeah, part of the problem, and one of the reasons they debated this, was that there are 10 personality disorders and that - and that we've mentioned some of them already. Narcissistic is one, antisocial, avoidant, borderline. So people are familiar with some of these labels. But a lot of patients who came in were getting more than one. So that doesn't make a lot of sense.

Or they're being put into a category, which is kind of a catch-all category, general personality disorder, which meant only that, you know, they had some very strange or extreme kind of behaviors and traits, but the, you know, the therapist couldn't figure out what diagnosis to give them.

CONAN: Let's see if we can get another caller in. This is Pat, and Pat's on the line with us from Durham.

PAT: Yes, hello, I'm Dr. Pat Webster. I'm a clinical psychologist. And I co-authored a book called "Winning at Love: The Alpha Male's Guide to Relationship Success." And in my practice, I think one of the difficulties with narcissistic personality disorder is that it's endemic. I think that it's - we're a culture of narcissists, and I think that often the bigger-than-life belief and symptoms that go on with narcissism are rewarded in our culture.

I think the mortgage debacle was engineered in - by people that we would diagnose as narcissistic personality disorders. And in their personal life, usually this doesn't really hit them until, say, the 40s or something like that, when they're lonely, they've had - they've gone through many, many relationships, and then the depression begins.

But it's hard because often we reward the outcome of narcissistic personality disorders in our culture.
CONAN: Do we reward narcissism, Benedict Carey?

CAREY: I mean I don't know the answer to that. I think it's - it's certainly an American type. You know, we grow them here. And I think that, you know, you can be a very successful and also extremely narcissistic person, and yes, be rewarded. I mean, I'm not saying that, you know, this is the predominant personality disorder in the U.S. I doubt it. I think that this is just one of the most annoying ones.

(LAUGHTER)

CAREY: And so they tend to be more of a headache than some of the other ones.

CONAN: Pat, thanks very much for the call.

PAT: You're very welcome.

CONAN: We're talking about personality disorders. If you work in mental health, how does the difficulty in defining these disorders affect you and your patients? 800-989-8255. Email us, talk@npr.org. Stay with us. I'm Neal Conan. It's the TALK OF THE NATION from NPR News.
(SOUNDBITE OF MUSIC)

CONAN: This is TALK OF THE NATION, from NPR News. I'm Neal Conan. There are 10 commonly accepted syndromes - including paranoid, borderline and dependent - that qualify as personality disorders. They're often divided into three clusters: those characterized by odd, eccentric behavior or emotional and dramatic behavior or anxious, fearful behavior.

Beyond those broad outlines, though, they're incredibly hard to define. We've been talking with the New York Times' Benedict Carey about the difficulty with personality disorders, which he's called some of the most serious and striking syndromes in medicine. We'd like to hear from mental health professionals, too. How does the difficulty in defining personality disorders affect you and your patients?

Give us a call: 800-989-8255. Email is talk@npr.org. You can also join the conversation on our website. That's at npr.org. Click on TALK OF THE NATION.

Joining us now to shed some light on how the psychiatric community is dealing with these disorders is Mike - Mark, excuse me, Lenzenweger. He is the psychology professor at Binghamton University and professor of psychiatry at the Personality Disorders Institute at the Weill Cornell Medical College, and he's with us by phone from his home in New York.

Good to have you with us today.

MARK LENZENWEGER: Pleasure to be here.

CONAN: Just so we get some sense of scope, how many people suffer from personality disorders, do you think?

LENZENWEGER: Well, the current estimate of prevalence of personality disorders in the United States is roughly 10 percent. So one in 10 Americans probably suffers from a diagnosable personality disorder.

CONAN: And there's a spectrum, though. It's not full-blown, immediately.

LENZENWEGER: Well, that's an interesting question, Neal. There is a discussion about how much of a spectrum there can be. But the 10 percent figure is based on people who actually meet the criteria for a diagnosis. So, for example, if it requires five out of nine criteria to meet a diagnosis, what do you say about a person who meets four out of nine? Are they - they're nearing the threshold, but they're not quite there.

But using strict thresholds - where you really expect people to meet the diagnostic criteria in the manual - it's one in 10.

CONAN: And, for example, a lot of us think we know something about some of these, but borderline personality disorder, for one, is not halfway there. It's a separate thing.

LENZENWEGER: Yes. Borderline personality disorder suffers from a bit of a misnomer as a name. It was initially coined as a name to describe a fairly serious, debilitating condition that early commissions - say, working in the 1930s, 1940s - thought somehow was on the border of psychosis, particularly schizophrenia.

So the term was coined to sort of describe that near-neighbor status, but we know now that's not true. But the name has been used for so long that psychiatry and clinical psychology prefer to stick with it.

CONAN: And we've talked about some of the difficulties that various people have in diagnosis. How does that manifest itself in the patients you see?

LENZENWEGER: The most tricky thing in terms of diagnosis is not so much in the definition of the disorders. That becomes something of a scholarly debate, and can go on for quite a while. The real trick in diagnosis is the actual diagnostic process, meaning sifting through the complicated life story that a person has and looking at the features they bring to life in terms of work, school functioning, social functioning, family functioning, and making sure that the dysfunction that you're calling personality disorder has been longstanding, that it's been there for the better part of the last five years, and then teasing it apart from issues such as depression anxiety, more transitory things that come and go, to be really sure that what you're looking at is what you intend to be calling personality disorder.

CONAN: And that, I suspect, takes a great deal of time.

LENZENWEGER: It can. It can. And that's one of the drawbacks of diagnosing the disorders, is that many people, frontline clinicians, simply often don't have that kind of time. You know, the researchers who spend hours and hours working on these problems in the laboratories, you might spend two to six hours conducting a diagnostic interview with the person that you're considering, you know, being in a personality disorders research study. Most clinicians simply don't have that time.
CONAN: And most of those interviews are about 45, 50 minutes, and then a lot of patients expect to walk out with a prescription.

LENZENWEGER: If you find a psychiatric interview that lasts that long these days, that's a little bit unusual in contemporary psychiatry, because people are hard-pressed and don't have the time, and many initial diagnostic impressions are gleaned very quickly.

With personality disorders, it's difficult to imagine even being close to having a full picture after 45 minutes, and the interesting thing is that there isn't going to be a prescription that will help the disorder at its core.

CONAN: Because it's - we don't know, or because it's not biological?

LENZENWEGER: Oh, it's probably biological in part, Neal. The research evidence really suggests that genetic factors do play a role in both normal personality and personality disorders, and neuroimaging research - some of which we've done at Cornell Medical - shows that there are, for example, in borderline personality disorder, very identifiable neural circuit abnormalities.

It's biological, but the medications we have don't necessarily make all of that right or fix it in the way that you'll see in, say, depression or anxiety, where you can treat the symptoms, at least, and bring a person to a lower level of distress.

CONAN: Let's get some more callers in on the conversation. 800-989-8255. Email: talk@npr.org. Richie's on the line with us from Atlanta.

RICHIE: Hello.

CONAN: Hi.

RICHIE: Hi. I have two comments. Number one, the DSM was written as a standardized, diagnostic manual. In my experience, it doesn't work out that way in everyday practice because, you know, your client can go to the first clinician and be diagnosed with one thing, and they'll go to another clinician, and it becomes subjective from clinician to clinician.

My second comment is that I currently work in substance abuse, and the clients that I see that have an Axis II diagnosis. When they know about it, my experience has been that it makes it much more difficult to work with them. And I was wondering what your guests would have to say about that.

CONAN: I wonder. Why don't we start with you, Dr. Lenzenweger?

LENZENWEGER: Well, in terms of reliability, the caller is wondering about how reliable are these systems. And in the hands of people that are trained and they're using an instrument - and this is important, that they're using what's called a structured clinical interview - reliability is actually quite good, meaning the same person could be interviewed by four or five different clinicians, and you would come up with broadly the same diagnosis.

So the reliability issue is not as challenging as some might think. The presence of a personality disorder diagnosis and how it affects a person is an interesting question. Some people find it very helpful and liberating, almost, in the sense that they finally have heard what is going on with them and how it can be treated.

Other people - and this partly depends on how it's delivered - see it as yet another strike against them.
CONAN: Yet - let me bring Benedict Carey back into the conversation - you say in your piece that more and more, people don't get that specific, though, a diagnosis. They're told they have personality disorder, not otherwise specified.

CAREY: Right, that's the category I mentioned, which is a more generalized one, which is I think where you see some of the features, but you're not sure that they - they don't seem to line up in any one - under one particular label or name. And so that can be - I think, you know, talk to Dr. Lenzenweger about this, but I think that - I don't know how helpful that is.

I mean, it's - I don't know that there's any specific therapy for that. I don't know if it's helpful for the patient. And basically, you've just been told you're messed up, and they can't tell you anything more about it. I mean, so I think that was one of the motivations, and I think that's one of the most common - maybe the most common - of the diagnoses here, and one of the motivations for trying to change or streamline it so it becomes more specific.

CONAN: Dr. Lenzenweger?

LENZENWEGER: Well, yes. I think Ben's right in the sense that the most common diagnosis out there for personality disorders is this so-called personality disorder not otherwise specified. And what that means is you have any number of personality disorder criteria met in your clinical picture, but you don't have enough to satisfy the threshold for any one particular disorder.

So it is something of a general catchall. What it tells the clinician, though, is that there is something that's clinically important that should be treated and should be the focus of treatment. And what you have to understand about personality disorder treatment is that it isn't always specifically directed at the features that make up the descriptions of the disorders.

You might spend a lot of time in therapy working on improving a person's interpersonal relations - you know, how they get along with their family members, their spouse, their partner, their boss, how they regulate their emotions, especially rage and anger and fear. So even though you don't fall into a particular basket with a very specific DSM-IV or DSM-5 name, what you're struggling with still gets treated.

CONAN: Richie, thanks for the call.

RICHIE: Thank you.

CONAN: Here's an email from Christie(ph) in Green Bay: As a psych nurse, I recognize that I do have a bias against some patients with personality disorders, especially those with borderline personality disorders. I work hard to keep my bias from affecting my patient care, but the very nature of BPD can make those patients demanding, manipulative and unpleasant. We all prefer to be around pleasant people, and clinicians are no exception. I have a suspicion that patients with personality disorder get less intensive medical care for just the same reason: lack of likeability with primary care providers.

I wonder, Dr. Lenzenweger, these personalities - likeability, manipulation and - does that factor into their treatment?

LENZENWEGER: Well, it shouldn't in terms of a professional, you know, posture with respect to your patients. If you're treating a personality disordered individual and you're working as a psychologist or a psychiatrist or a social worker, you know what to expect, and you know that someone is presenting a clinical picture. You know, their way of being may be disagreeable. It may be challenging, it may be trying, but your job is to get in there and try to help them.

And the person that commented on having a negative reaction, that's not unusual, especially for people who are interacting with someone with borderline, whether it's on the job, in school or in a nursing situation. But their job there is not necessarily to supply the treatment. When you're doing the treatment, that reaction to the person shouldn't drive the process.

CONAN: Benedict Carey, another question for you. You wrote your piece before news came out about the DSM-5 and the inability to reach some sort of decisions about categorization. Is this, as far as you know, going to continue? Are there going to be more efforts, or is this just hands up in the air and let's wait till next time?

CAREY: I don't know the answer to that. I think that they - you know, it's such a big project that it needs some time to put together. Also, by the way, you know, in research areas, people like Mark know that, you know, that different people have different theories about this. You know, what should it look like? What should we call them? How do we diagnose them?

There's 20 different theories about that, and part of the problem they had this time around was reconciling those or choosing one. There was argument all the way through. So in order to do it entirely again, they're going to need some time. The plan is, I think, for this manual to be updated more frequently - let's say every year or something like that - and to give it a little different numbers, 5.1 and .2.

But something as tricky as personality disorder, I think, is going to take some time, and I think that they will try again. My prediction would be it's going to, you know, be another 15 years.

CONAN: Our guests are Benedict Carey, a science reporter for The New York Times, and Mark Lenzenweger, a professor of psychology at Binghamton University, professor of psychiatry at the Personality Disorders Institute at the Weill Cornell Medical College. We're talking about personality disorders, and you're listening to TALK OF THE NATION, from NPR News.

And let's get Deborah on the line, Deborah with us from Palo Alto.

DEBORAH: Hi. This is Dr. Deborah Rose. I'm a psychiatrist in Palo Alto, and I've been treating post-traumatic stress disorder for 40 years. And I'm concerned that one major factor that leads to personality disorders, as they're called, is being omitted from this discussion and basically from a great deal of American psychiatry, and that is the role of complex post-traumatic stress disorder or early childhood post-traumatic stress disorder.

Post-traumatic stress disorder - whether it occurs acutely in adults or early on and, in many ways, in children - leads to a kind of hypertrophy and distortion of the normal, otherwise developing personality. It hypertrophies the...

CONAN: Excuse me. I don't understand the word hypertrophy. Forgive me.

DEBORAH: I'm sorry. It - I'm sorry to be using it. It leads to an exaggerated growth of certain parts of a person's personality, which are the ways that a person would habitually try to protect themselves emotionally from inner - inside and outside emotional dangers and threats and also get kind of distorted. It's like a burrow on a tree that is infected with something. And so you get distortions of personality, which lead then to often being diagnosed as personality disorders.

When I treat somebody for their early childhood post-traumatic stress disorder or their adult onset acute PTSD, what you find is that as you free them from the PTSD, the personality remains, who they were really meant to be, biologically and then with environmental factors of family and the added environment. So the personality disorder goes away, and you get a normal personality, and this is tremendously overlooked and failed to be diagnosed by the vast majority of mental health professionals in this country.

CONAN: Dr. Lenzenweger?

LENZENWEGER: Well, I appreciate the view about personality disorder and trauma, and, in fact, that is actually a very large focus of contemporary clinical psychiatry and clinical psychology. We know, for example, that a large proportion of individuals diagnosed with borderline personality disorder have been exposed, horrific as it sounds, to early childhood sexual abuse and physical abuse and/or maltreatment. And that's well-recognized and viewed as an important environmental component adding to, you know, that mix of things that could give rise to a personality disorder.

And not everyone who is traumatized goes on to have a personality disorder, and not everyone who has a personality disorder has had trauma in their life. But I think it's important to point out that there are many people doing a lot of research and treatment on the role and sort of effects of trauma in and of themselves as well as in connection to personality disorder. So it's a big focus.

CONAN: Deborah, thank you very much for the call. And I'm sure you could go on from there, but I'm afraid we're out of time.

DEBORAH: Thank you ever so much. Best wishes to you.

CONAN: We appreciate it. And, Dr. Lenzenweger, thank you very much for your time today.

LENZENWEGER: Well, thank you. It's been a pleasure.

CONAN: Mark Lenzenweger, professor of psychology at Binghamton University, professor of psychiatry at the Personality Disorders Institute at the Weill Cornell Medical College, with us by phone from his home in New York. And, Benedict Carey, nice to have you back on the program, and we'll have you back in 15 years once they've sorted this out.

CAREY: That sounds good. It's a date.

CONAN: OK. Benedict Carey, science reporter for The New York Times, joined us from our bureau in New York. Up next, a truly incredible story. It's illegal to leave North Korea, but some small number of North Koreans get out with help from an underground railroad through Asia. Melanie Kirkpatrick, author of "Escape from North Korea," joins us in just a moment. Stay with us. I'm Neal Conan. It's the TALK OF THE NATION from NPR News.
___

NPR transcripts are created on a rush deadline by a contractor for NPR, and accuracy and availability may vary. This text may not be in its final form and may be updated or revised in the future. Please be aware that the authoritative record of NPR's programming is the audio.