Showing posts with label childhood. Show all posts
Showing posts with label childhood. Show all posts

Sunday, August 10, 2014

Childhood Abuse and Neglect - The Objective Effects and the Subjective Experience


The two articles below are complimentary in their description of the impact of childhood maltreatment (CM: abuse and/or neglect). The first is only available as an abstract (paywall, of course) and the second comes from Psych Central, a nice resource for lay readers in psychology.

Together these articles show the impact of CM on the function and structure of the brain and the subjective suffering that can result from CM years later. This is the "conclusion" of the first article:
Maltreatment was associated with decreased centrality in regions involved in emotional regulation and ability to accurately attribute thoughts or intentions to others and with enhanced centrality in regions involved in internal emotional perception, self-referential thinking, and self-awareness. This may provide a potential mechanism for how maltreatment increases risk for psychopathology.
In the adults molested as children (AMAC) clients I work with, I see these two processes playing themselves out in their lives every week. The limited affect regulation and the strong tendency toward inaccurate attribution of intentions to others creates a near-constant state of hypervigilance and a general sense of being unsafe with anyone, anywhere.

Likewise, the accentuated interior focus creates a self-sustaining cycle of anxiety, depression, self-blame, and rumination on past wounding. This too can be very debilitating. 


Full Citation:
Teicher, MH, Anderson, CM, Ohashi, K, and Polcari, A. (2013, Aug 15). Childhood Maltreatment: Altered Network Centrality of Cingulate, Precuneus, Temporal Pole and Insula. Biological Psychiatry; 76(4): 297–305. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.biopsych.2013.09.016

Childhood Maltreatment: Altered Network Centrality of Cingulate, Precuneus, Temporal Pole and Insula

Martin H. Teicher, Carl M. Anderson, Kyoko Ohashi, Ann Polcari

Background

Childhood abuse is a major risk factor for psychopathology. Previous studies have identified brain differences in maltreated individuals but have not focused on potential differences in network architecture.

Methods

High-resolution T1-weighted magnetic resonance imaging scans were obtained from 265 unmedicated, right-handed 18- to 25-year-olds who were classified as maltreated (n = 142, 55 men/87 women) or nonmaltreated (n = 123, 46 men/77 women) based on extensive interviews. Cortical thickness was assessed in 112 cortical regions (nodes) and interregional partial correlations across subjects were calculated to derive the lowest equivalent cost single-cluster group networks. Permutation tests were used to ascertain whether maltreatment was associated with significant alterations in key centrality measures of these regions and membership in the highly interconnected “rich club.”

Results

Marked differences in centrality (connectedness, “importance”) were observed in a handful of cortical regions. Left anterior cingulate had the second highest number of connections (degree centrality) and was a component of the “rich club” in the control network but ranked low in connectedness (106th of 112 nodes) in the network derived from maltreated-subjects (p < .01). Conversely, right precuneus and right anterior insula ranked first and 15th in degree centrality in the maltreated network versus 90th (p = .01) and 105th (p < .03) in the control network.

Conclusions

Maltreatment was associated with decreased centrality in regions involved in emotional regulation and ability to accurately attribute thoughts or intentions to others and with enhanced centrality in regions involved in internal emotional perception, self-referential thinking, and self-awareness. This may provide a potential mechanism for how maltreatment increases risk for psychopathology.
* * * * *

This article comes from Psych Central's World of Psychology blog.

Consequences of Emotional Abuse

By Archana Sankaran
August 1, 2014


I come from a family where abuse has had a generational continuity. My grandfather abused my grandmother. My grandmother abused her son, daughter-in-law and other people. (She threw food at me once.) My father bullies his wife and daughter. My mother is emotionally violent to me. I go crazy and can break stuff around my mother.

Overall it is a very disturbing home environment. No one knows how to get out of the situation and we continue to harm each other. At times it feels like a spiraling battle to death. My grandpa passed away recently, ending his part.

Abuse has many forms. Sometimes it involves power over decision-making, where some people’s opinions do not count in matters related to them. Sometimes the emotional reactions of one person are projected onto others, shifting responsibility. It also can be physically violent, involving breaking things, hitting or cutting. Gossip and social shaming was one of my grandmother’s favorite ways to get control over my father.

I think that abuse is basically a perverted mechanism for control when the healthy ways to influence people seem infeasible. Often with dysfunctional families there is a repetitive nature to these conflicts.

After a few weeks with my family, my body seems to be permanently ready for attack. My shoulder hunches up and there is constant fear in the pit of my stomach. It feels like every person around me who I let into my territory is out to harm me. And no one will choose to spend time with me if they know me fully.

For years the only places I could feel safe or relax in were ashrams and meditation halls. I spent a lot of time by myself in nature. That would eventually calm me down. I was greatly anxious in social interactions, even of a functional nature such as asking for a room to rent.

My father told me a few years ago that every man I am with would leave me. I could not believe that he had used those words on me, knowing that I hurt terribly on this topic. I had just come out of four dark years of matrimony-related sorrow. There was a sense of being boxed in and bashed up.

My father, in his anger, tuned into my wounds and stabbed me where it always hurt most. It took me a while to understand this. I reacted in shock, numbness, severe depression at times. At other times I screamed at him and he released more toxic words.

Always there was a need in me to go closer, to understand the abuse and resolve it. Not one situation resolved. I am being forced to see that there is no healthy closure available to these situations. It is wounded people reacting and damaging others from their woundedness.

Family dynamics harmed me even in less-dramatic situations. For example, I do not recall being able to relax at home with family as a child. Any time I sat down with people at home, I had to perform — an activity such as cleaning the table, or listening to a story or dreaming up projects to do.

That made me always tense when I sat down with people in social situations. How should I entertain them? Often in a group of friends this behavior of mine was not received as my insecurity but as my need to show off.

As a child, positive social stamping was extremely important to me. It was the one way to get attention from my father. I could get warmth and respect from my family and from society if I was a successful person. Social regard became a very important part of my psyche’s feel-good mechanism. I didn’t realize that they would turn completely against me if they perceived me as a failure, which happened later.

In India’s strictly traditional society, I remained unmarried. I was not able to dismiss the social rejection and shaming easily. It was a painful lesson — not only but my society is extreme. Arranged marriages still account for the majority of Indian marriages. Most of the population is married and there is little acceptance of any other choice of living.

I believe that life is a series of lessons that we have to learn and graduate from. Most of us remain broken, wounded individuals trying to cope with our ceaseless desires. May we awaken to an awareness of our wounds. May we find our path to wholeness.

~ Archana Sankaran is an artist and therapist who lives in south India. She writes on alternative health, psychology and gardening. Her blog is at http://energyclinic.wordpress.com

Thursday, February 27, 2014

Family Problems Experienced in Childhood and Adolescence Affect Brain Development

 

Family problems are now recognized as a contributing factor for mental illness - and there is brain imaging research to support what many therapists have known for decades.

Using brain imaging technology to scan teenagers aged 17-19, the researchers in this study found that those who experienced mild to moderate family difficulties between birth and 11 years of age had a smaller cerebellum, which is an area of the brain associated with skill learning, stress regulation, and sensory-motor control. The researchers suggest that a smaller cerebellum may be a risk indicator of psychiatric disease later in life, as it is consistently found to be smaller in virtually all psychiatric illnesses.

So when you hear that parents divorced for the kids (rather than staying together for the kids), there is evidence that they did the correct thing. Other more specific research has identified parental discord as a risk factor for children developing behavioral and mental health issues. And this is only one of many possible forms of "family problems."

Family problems experienced in childhood and adolescence affect brain development

Date: February 19, 2014
Source: University of East Anglia

Summary:
New research has revealed that exposure to common family problems during childhood and early adolescence affects brain development, which could lead to mental health issues in later life. The study used brain imaging technology to scan teenagers aged 17-19. It found that those who experienced mild to moderate family difficulties between birth and 11 years of age had developed a smaller cerebellum, an area of the brain associated with skill learning, stress regulation and sensory-motor control. The researchers also suggest that a smaller cerebellum may be a risk indicator of psychiatric disease later in life, as it is consistently found to be smaller in virtually all psychiatric illnesses.

Areas in blue are brain regions shown to be smaller as a result of childhood adversities occurring aged 0-11, and regions in orange are shown to be larger as a result of exposure to negative life events aged 14.  Credit: Image courtesy of University of East Anglia

New research has revealed that exposure to common family problems during childhood and early adolescence affects brain development, which could lead to mental health issues in later life.

The study led by Dr Nicholas Walsh, lecturer in developmental psychology at the University of East Anglia (UEA), used brain imaging technology to scan teenagers aged 17-19. It found that those who experienced mild to moderate family difficulties between birth and 11 years of age had developed a smaller cerebellum, an area of the brain associated with skill learning, stress regulation and sensory-motor control. The researchers also suggest that a smaller cerebellum may be a risk indicator of psychiatric disease later in life, as it is consistently found to be smaller in virtually all psychiatric illnesses.

Previous studies have focused on the effects of severe neglect, abuse and maltreatment in childhood on brain development. However the aim of this research was to determine the impact, in currently healthy teenagers, of exposure to more common but relatively chronic forms of 'family-focused' problems. These could include significant arguments or tension between parents, physical or emotional abuse, lack of affection or communication between family members, and events which had a practical impact on daily family life and might have resulted in health, housing or school problems.

Dr Walsh, from UEA's School of Psychology, said: "These findings are important because exposure to adversities in childhood and adolescence is the biggest risk factor for later psychiatric disease. Also, psychiatric illnesses are a huge public health problem and the biggest cause of disability in the world.

"We show that exposure in childhood and early adolescence to even mild to moderate family difficulties, not just severe forms of abuse, neglect and maltreatment, may affect the developing adolescent brain. We also argue that a smaller cerebellum may be an indicator of mental health issues later on. Reducing exposure to adverse social environments during early life may enhance typical brain development and reduce subsequent mental health risks in adult life."

The study, which was conducted with the University of Cambridge and the Medical Research Council Cognition and Brain Sciences Unit, Cambridge, is published in the journal NeuroImage: Clinical.

The 58 teenagers who took part in the brain scanning were drawn from a larger study of 1200 young people, whose parents were asked to recall any negative life events their children had experienced between birth and 11 years of age. The interviews took place when the children were aged 14 and of the 58, 27 were classified as having been exposed to childhood adversities. At ages 14 and 17 the teenagers themselves also reported any negative events and difficulties they, their family or closest friends had experienced during the previous 12 months.

A "significant and unexpected" finding was that the participants who reported stressful experiences when aged 14 were subsequently found to have increased volume in more regions of the brain when they were scanned aged 17-19. Dr Walsh said this could mean that mild stress occurring later in development may 'inoculate' teenagers, enabling them to cope better with exposure to difficulties in later life, and that it is the severity and timing of the experiences that may be important.

"This study helps us understand the mechanisms in the brain by which exposure to problems in early-life leads to later psychiatric issues," said Dr Walsh. "It not only advances our understanding of how the general psychosocial environment affects brain development, but also suggests links between specific regions of the brain and individual psychosocial factors. We know that psychiatric risk factors do not occur in isolation but rather cluster together, and using a new technique we show how the general clustering of adversities affects brain development."

The researchers also found at that those who had experienced family problems were more likely to have had a diagnosed psychiatric illness, have a parent with a mental health disorder and have negative perceptions of their how their family functioned.

Story Source: The above story is based on materials provided by University of East Anglia. Note: Materials may be edited for content and length.

Journal Reference:
Nicholas D. Walsh, Tim Dalgleish, Michael V. Lombardo, Valerie J. Dunn, Anne-Laura Van Harmelen, Maria Ban, Ian M. Goodyer. General and specific effects of early-life psychosocial adversities on adolescent grey matter volume. NeuroImage: Clinical, 2014; 4: 308 DOI: 10.1016/j.nicl.2014.01.001

Wednesday, November 27, 2013

Adult Recollections of Childhood Memories: What Details Can Be Recalled?


The validity of recovered memories in prosecuting child molestation and abuse has been an ongoing battle between the legal and the psychotherapeutic communities. Often, the memories that emerge are highly-detailed and specific. In this new study, researchers suggest that full memories do not tend to occur before the age of 6, give or take 6 months. However, they allow for the possibility of highly-charged emotional events possibly making memories more accessable.
Obviously a key question here is, are these overly-specific memories accurate? Some studies suggest that they might be. Usher and Neisser (1993) found that adults could recall early memories to the age of 2 and below if those memories were associated with other significant events in the child’s life such as, for example, the birth of a sibling (see Eacott & Crawley, 1998, for similar evidence of adult recall of childhood memories below the age of 3 years). One problem here, however, is that although the date of the associated ‘important’ event can be verified, the memory itself cannot be, leaving open the possibility of error and even that of false memory.
There is a problem here, however. The study designs the researchers tend to use here only are capable of observing processes, not experiences. There is no personal or emotional investment in the tests subjects perform, so there is no substantive need to remember (or, crucially, not remember) anything specific.

On the other hand we know that the more emotionally charged an event, the greater the likelihood that it will be powerfully encoded in memory circuits. This 2007 article from Science Daily offers a brief summary of how this process might work:

Image showing phosphorylated GluR1 receptors congregating around sites of neuronal synapses. (Credit: Johns Hopkins Medical Institutions)
The parts of the brain where memories are stored need to distinguish between significant experiences and those that carry less importance, giving priority to the transformation of the former into long-term memory, the researchers explained.

One factor that scientists believe to be critical in that process is the emotional load of an event. Indeed, studies have shown that heightened states of emotion can facilitate learning and memory. In some situations, this process can even become pathological, Malinow said, as occurs in posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), a condition characterized by persistent vivid memories of traumatic events.
And this:
Norepinephrine, more widely known as a "fight or flight" hormone, energizes the process by adding phosphate molecules to a nerve cell receptor called GluR1. The phosphates help guide the receptors to insert themselves adjacent to a synapse. "Now when the brain needs to form a memory, the nerves have plenty of available receptors to quickly adjust the strength of the connection and lock that memory into place," Huganir says.
Huganir and his team suspected that GluR1might be a target of norepinephrine since disruptions in this receptor cause spatial memory defects in mice. They tested the idea by either injecting healthy mice with adrenaline or exposing them to fox urine, both of which increase norepinephrine levels in brain. Analyzing brain slices of the mice, the researchers saw increased phosphates on the GluR1 receptors and an increased ability of these receptors to be recruited to synapses.
When the researchers put mice in a cage, gave a mild shock, took them out of that cage and put them back in it the next day, mice who had received adrenaline or fox urine tended to "freeze" in fear -- an indicator they associated the cage as the site of a shock -- more frequently, suggestive of enhanced memory.
However, in a similar experiment with mice genetically engineered to have a defective GluR1 receptor that phosphates cannot attach to, adrenaline injections had no effect on mouse memory, further evidence of the "priming" effect of the receptor in response to norepinephrine.
So, it's clear that we are much more likely to remember emotionally-charged events. However, it is equally true that children between the ages of 8 and 12 develop an increasingly sophisticated ability to suppress memory. Paz-Alonso, et al. (2009, Sep 24, Frontiers in Human Neuroscience), examined the ability of children to willingly suppress memories:
Children exhibited age-related improvements in memory suppression from age 8 to 12 in both memory tests, against a backdrop of overall improvements in declarative memory over this age range. These findings suggest that memory suppression is an active process that develops during late childhood, likely due to an age-related refinement in the ability to engage PFC to down-regulate activity in areas involved in episodic retrieval. 
So we know three things now:
  1. Adults do not tend to offer accurate recollections before the age of 6 - and the more detailed the memory, the less likely it is to be accurate
  2. The exception to the previous point is when there is intense emotion associated with the memory
  3. Children develop the ability to suppress memory by age 10-12
In working with trauma survivors, there tends to be either very vivid and detailed memories of abuse, neglect, or molestation or a sense that something terrible happened with no clear memories. Often, in the later group, there is intense frustration around the inability to remember the abuse, as if remembering will be the key to healing. Granted, this is sometimes the case, but as Babette Rothschild has pointed out (8 Keys to Safe Trauma Recovery: Take-Charge Strategies to Empower Your Healing), remembering is NOT essential to healing.

So, as a trauma therapist, I do believe memories can be repressed or suppressed. I believe these memories can surface years later when some life event triggers the emotional context of the memory. I believe there can be early life memories (before the age of 6), although I tend to agree that highly-detailed memories from those early periods are not likely to be accurate.

However, when conducting therapy, we act "as if" what the client tells me is true. For the client, in some sense, it is very true. I am not a detective and I will never know for sure what is true and not true in the memories of my clients. That really is not relevant.

The question is always: How are those memories impacting your life right now? How is your childhood not in the past but still in the present? In what ways are there ghosts from years past still haunting you in some way? These are some of the important questions.

Adult recollections of childhood memories: What details can be recalled?


Christine Wells, Catriona M. Morrison, & Martin A. Conway

Abstract


In a memory survey adult respondents recalled, dated, and described two earliest positive and negative memories that they were highly confident were memories. They then answered a series of questions that focused on memory details such as, clothing, duration, weather, etc. Few differences were found between positive and negative memories that on average had 4/5 details and dated to the age of 6/6.5 years. Memory for details about activity, location, and who was present was good, memory for all other details was poorer or at floor. Taken together these findings indicate that (full) earliest memories may be considerably later than previously thought and that they rarely contain the sort of specific details targeted by professional investigators. The resulting normative profile of memory details reported here can be used to evaluate overly-specific childhood autobiographical memories and to identify memory details with a low probability of recall.
  • Download full text
  • Accepted Author Version. Not yet edited or proofed.
  • Please see disclaimer on the article abstract page.
Full Citation:
Wells, C, Morrison, CM, Conway, MA. (2013, Nov 12). Adult recollections of childhood memories: What details can be recalled? The Quarterly Journal of Experimental Psychology. DOI: 10.1080/17470218.2013.856451


Relatively little is known about what details, in particular what specific details, adults can recall of early childhood events that they claim to remember, and remember often with great confidence. Since Freud (1915) first introduced the term ‘infantile’ or ‘childhood’ amnesia, based on the results of one of the first surveys of autobiographical memories (Henri & Henri, 1898), there have been many investigations of adult recollections of earliest memories (if not of their details) and often of the first memory (Bruce, Robinson, et al., 2005; Hayne, 2004; Pillemer, 1998; Pillemer & White, 1989; Rubin, 2000; Wang, Conway, & Hou, 2004 – see Bauer, 2007, Howe, 2011, and Strange & Hayne, 2013, for recent reviews). In a meta-analysis Rubin (2000) found the mean age of the earliest memory to date to the age of 3.4 years. Of course there is a distribution around this mean with some remembering earlier memories and many, later memories. It is considered not possible to remember memories from below about the age of 2 years, i.e. from the preverbal period (Hayne, 2004). Typically these very early childhood memories are fragmentary, disorganized, and often enigmatic in the sense that the rememberer does not know why (or how) they remember them. Also these childhood memories can be accompanied by feelings of uncertainty/doubt that they are in fact memories and, occasionally there are aspects of the content of the memories – memory details – or other external evidence that clearly show them to be false (Mazzoni, Scoboria, & Harvey 2010). Even in the later case, however, the memories are experienced as memories, i.e. they are accompanied by recollective experience.

Set against this are findings that adults do report earliest memories dating to below the ages of 3 years, 2 years, even to the first 12 months of life. Indeed there are, admittedly a small number of, adults who claim to report remembering being born and provide detailed memories of their birth. In a corpus of over 6000 adult recollections of earliest memories collected over a period of several years in our laboratory (Conway & Morrison, in preparation) 15% of all memories dated to below the age of 3 years with, remarkably, over 300 dating to below the age of 1 year. (Interestingly the mean age of the earliest memory from this large sample is also 3.4 years). As Strange and Hayne (2013) point out there are now a number of studies of earliest memories that feature these unexpectedly early memories, from 2 and below. Occasionally these are overly-specific containing details of how the person felt, what they thought, what others might have been thinking, the weather, time of day, calendar date, clothes worn, very specific activities, handedness, etc. To illustrate, consider two descriptions of very early first memories from our corpus of first memories:

“I was in a room, in my cot which was by a window (high up), it must have been sunny because my cot was light but outside the room, through an open door opposite my cot, looked dark. I was playing with a toy in my cot - which was fixed to the side of it, it had a tortoise and a hare on the bottom of it and a telephone dialler, I don't remember seeing it since. I heard a noise and turned round towards the door and tried to stand up but I think I must have been too young to stand. I remember trying to pull myself up with the railings on the cot and I could see my Mum, through the open door, out in the corridor. She appeared from the right and walked directly across the corridor and disappeared into a room and then came out and walked back to the right and disappeared again. I remember wanting to get her attention and wanted to talk but I don't think I could talk - I remember feeling really upset that I couldn't get her to notice me, I was frustrated and felt lonely because I had wanted her to see me. I have talked to my Mum once about it and she said it was at our old house and the stairs had been to the right and the bedroom was directly opposite, which is obviously where she went to and from. I have only told two other people of it since.” (Age about 18 months).

“This is my first memory. This memory can be dated as it occurred in Nepal and I was 18-19 months old when we were there. My parents were speaking to some people in a meeting tent outside a small village and I was playing with my large red fire engine (my memory has it the same size as myself), which was my pride and joy. The meeting finished and I went to see my parents. I then returned to my fire engine to discover it had gone. I can describe the scene vividly and have a photo impression of the place and an emotional imprint of what the loss of my fire engine felt like. It was never recovered.”

Obviously a key question here is, are these overly-specific memories accurate? Some studies suggest that they might be. Usher and Neisser (1993) found that adults could recall early memories to the age of 2 and below if those memories were associated with other significant events in the child’s life such as, for example, the birth of a sibling (see Eacott & Crawley, 1998, for similar evidence of adult recall of childhood memories below the age of 3 years). One problem here, however, is that although the date of the associated ‘important’ event can be verified, the memory itself cannot be, leaving open the possibility of error and even that of false memory. Given the near-impossibility of verifying adult recall of very early events one way to approach this problem is to examine what young children themselves can remember. The logic being that if children themselves cannot recall specific details and also have, at least the occasional, overly-specific memory then it seems highly unlikely that decades later, in adulthood, they would have such memories. Thus, Gross, Jack, Davis, & Hayne (in press) investigated the ability of 2 to 5-year old children to recall the recent birth of a younger sibling and compared this to adult recall of the birth of a sibling at about the same age. The central finding was that few children and adults were able to recall the birth of a sibling if that had occurred when they were aged 2. As their age at the time of the birth increased they were gradually able to recall at least some details, but not overly-specific memories. Overall the findings suggest that these events were not encoded into long-term memory in the first place. If so it would not be possible to recall them in adulthood. In addition, further findings indicate that the adults had added in details to their memories. Possibly this may have been from accurate sources, i.e. conversation with the mother, family records, photographs, and so forth. Or, of course, these details may have been inferred and added in over a period of years becoming integral, if false, details of the memory.

In general the recall of events by children below about the age of five years is substantially different from adult recall of autobiographical memories (indeed it may not be until beyond the 10 to 15 years of age that a memory system approximating that of the adult autobiographical memory system begins to emerge, Conway, 2005, Van Abbema & Bauer, 2005, with yet further changes in latter adolescence and early adulthood, Bluck & Habermas, 2000). The memories of 5-year older children and younger tend to be much less detailed, it is difficult to elicit memory details from them, and the details they do recall are related to their interests and goals which rarely correspond to the interests and goals of adults (comprehensive reviews are available in Bauer, 2007, Howe, 2011). In a recent interesting study of child recall of details of an event Strange and Hayne (2013) had 5- to 6-year olds and 9- to 10-years take part in a surprise school visit to a local fire station. Later they were asked for a free recall of the event and then answered a series of questions about specific details such as the weather, time of day, duration, clothes worn by self and others, their emotions, how others felt, etc. In their free recall virtually none of the children, regardless of age, spontaneously recalled any of the specific details featured in the questions. In response to the questions the older children recalled more about time of day, duration, and own clothes. Generally younger children although showing some improvement on the questions, which obviously contain very specific memory cues, showed impoverished memory for the event. All the children were poor, the younger children at floor, in recalling the date of the event (see too Orbach & Lamb, 2007). These findings suggest that adult recall of childhood events that feature such specific details - overly-specific memories – should be treated with considerable caution.


Thursday, June 27, 2013

Levevei - Episode 78: When the Past Is Present w/ David Richo

James Alexander Arnfinsen (editor of the Levevei podcast series) recently posted an excellent conversation with American author and psychotherapist, David Richo. Infusing his books with Jungian psychology, spirituality (including Buddhism), and poetry, Richo is the author of How to Be an Adult in Love: Letting Love in Safely and Showing It Recklessly (2013), When the Past Is Present: Healing the Emotional Wounds that Sabotage our Relationships (2008), and Shadow Dance: Liberating the Power & Creativity of Your Dark Side (1999), among many, many other books.

Episode 78: When the past is present

Posted by James Alexander Arnfinsen × June 25, 2013


Podcast: Play in new window | Download (Duration: 48:21 — 44.3MB)


In this episode I have delight of connecting with psychotherapist and author David Richo from California, USA. In our conversation we explore the different ways in which transference plays a part in our daily lives, especially in intimate relationships. Why is it that our experiences from early life are carried over into the present? How come it´s so challenging to be fully present to the people we share our lives with? How can we address our unfinished business (such as unmet needs and emotional wounds from childhood) and resolve these issues as they arise in our daily life? These are just some of the topics covered in our dialogue, and David goes on to describe a relational practice called “safe conversations” that can support healing and growth in the midst of our relationships. Towards the end David shares his perspectives on the connections between psychological work and spiritual practice. 
 
If you feel inspired or provoked by our conversation feel free to add your comments after the interview. You can also send in a written piece of work and get it published together with this episode. Further details can be found here

Episode links:

Tuesday, December 25, 2012

A Charlie Brown Christmas


This is one of my best and favorite childhood memories of Christmas - and the speech Linus gives late in the story almost always makes me cry.

What is you best Christmas memory from Childhood?

A Charlie Brown Christmas


Wednesday, December 05, 2012

Childhood Trauma Leaves Mark On DNA of Some Victims

This is an important piece of research. We now know that early childhood trauma causes epigenetic changes in the DNA of some of these children (likely the ones who are least resilient or healthy). In those with the genetic variant that allows this to occur, "trauma causes long-term changes in DNA methylation leading to a lasting dysregulation of the stress hormone system. As a result, those affected find themselves less able to cope with stressful situations throughout their lives, frequently leading to depression, post-traumatic stress disorder or anxiety disorders in adulthood." 

Understanding that this is a hard-wired issue allows survivors of trauma to feel less like victims of their anxiety or depression, as well as allowing them to understand that there is nothing inherently wrong with them - what can be wired can be rewired.

Full Citation:
Torsten Klengel, Divya Mehta, Christoph Anacker, Monika Rex-Haffner, Jens C Pruessner, Carmine M Pariante, Thaddeus W W Pace, Kristina B Mercer, Helen S Mayberg, Bekh Bradley, Charles B Nemeroff, Florian Holsboer, Christine M Heim, Kerry J Ressler, Theo Rein, Elisabeth B Binder. Allele-specific FKBP5 DNA demethylation mediates gene–childhood trauma interactions. Nature Neuroscience, 2012; DOI: 10.1038/nn.3275

Childhood Trauma Leaves Mark On DNA of Some Victims: Gene-Environment Interaction Causes Lifelong Dysregulation of Stress Hormones

ScienceDaily (Dec. 2, 2012) — Abused children are at high risk of anxiety and mood disorders, as traumatic experience induces lasting changes to their gene regulation. Scientists from the Max Planck Institute of Psychiatry in Munich have now documented for the first time that genetic variants of the FKBP5 gene can influence epigenetic alterations in this gene induced by early trauma.

In individuals with a genetic predisposition, trauma causes long-term changes in DNA methylation leading to a lasting dysregulation of the stress hormone system. As a result, those affected find themselves less able to cope with stressful situations throughout their lives, frequently leading to depression, post-traumatic stress disorder or anxiety disorders in adulthood. Doctors and scientists hope these discoveries will yield new treatment strategies tailored to individual patients, as well as increased public awareness of the importance of protecting children from trauma and its consequences.

Many human illnesses arise from the interaction of individual genes and environmental influences. Traumatic events, especially in childhood, constitute high risk factors for the emergence of psychiatric illnesses in later life. However, whether early stress actually leads to a psychiatric disorder depends largely on his or her genetic predisposition.

Research Group Leader Elisabeth Binder of the Max Planck Institute of Psychiatry examined the DNA of almost 2000 Afro-Americans who had been repeatedly and severely traumatised as adults or in childhood. One-third of trauma victims had become ill and was now suffering from post-traumatic stress disorder. The risk of developing post-traumatic stress disorder rose with increasing severity of abuse only in the carriers of a specific genetic variant in the FKBP5 gene. FKPB5 determines how effectively the organism can react to stress, and by this regulates the entire stress hormone system. The scientists hoped to cast light on the mechanisms of this gene-environment interaction by comparing modifications of the DNA sequence of victims who had not become ill with that of those who had.

The Munich-based Max Planck scientists were then able to demonstrate that the genetic FKBP5 variant does make a physiological difference to those affected, also in nerve cells. Extreme stress and the associated high concentrations of stress hormones bring about what is called an epigenetic change. A methyl group is broken off the DNA at this point, causing a marked increase in FKBP5 activity. This lasting epigenetic change is generated primarily through childhood traumatisation. Consequently, no disease-related demethylation of the FKBP5 gene was detected in participants who were traumatised in adulthood only.

Torsten Klengel, a scientist at the Max Planck Institute of Psychiatry, explains the findings of the study as follows: "Depending on genetic predisposition, childhood trauma can leave permanent epigenetic marks on the DNA, further de-repressing FKBP5 transcription. The consequence is a permanent dysregulation of the victim's stress hormone system, which can ultimately lead to psychiatric illness. Decisive for victims of childhood abuse, however, is that the stress-induced epigenetic changes can only occur if their DNA has a specific sequence."

This recent study improves our understanding of psychiatric illnesses which arise from the interaction of environmental and genetic factors. The results will help tailor treatment particularly for patients who were exposed to trauma in early childhood, thereby greatly increasing their risk of illness.


Wednesday, May 09, 2012

Open Culture - Animated Version of Maurice Sendak’s Controversial Story, In the Night Kitchen


In honor of the passing of Maurice Sendak, an animation of one his most controversial books. This was posted at Open Culture.

Watch the Animation of Maurice Sendak’s Surreal and Controversial Story, In the Night Kitchen




By now you’ve heard the sad news. The beloved children’s author Maurice Sendak died yesterday at the age of 83. Of course, he’s best remembered for his classic tale, Where the Wild Things Are (1963). But some readers may hold a special place in their hearts for his 1970 picture book, In the Night Kitchen. It’s a surreal story that was named one of the Outstanding Children’s Books of 1970 by The New York Times. It’s also a story that stirred up some controversy. At points in the illustrated book, the three year old protagonist appears naked, shocking some critics and readers. These days, you’ll find the book ranking 25th on the American Library Association’s list of the 100 Most Frequently Challenged Books of 1990-2000.

In 1980, illustrator Gene Deitch got beyond the controversy and produced a five minute, faithful adaptation of In the Night Kitchen. It appears above, and it’s now rightfully added to the Animation section of our big collection of 475 Free Movies Online.

Bonus Material:

Wednesday, August 10, 2011

TEDxTC - Art Rolnick - Economic Case for Early Childhood Development


How can the lessons learned by a pre-Civil War Economist impact our understanding of early childhood development? In this TEDxTC Talk, Art Rolnick makes the case for the monetary value of educating at-risk youth.
Good TED Talk - Rolnick makes a great point - but even more than education, we need to teach interpersonal skills like empathy and compassion. Still, investing in children when they are young - and in their parents - could save society billions and billions of dollars. Not only that, we might be able to give up our place as the nation with the highest percentage of its population in prisons.


Wednesday, July 06, 2011

Lori Gottlieb - How to Land Your Kid in Therapy

http://www.psychology-advice.net/wp-content/uploads/2011/04/Why-do-we-worry-about-helicopter-parents.png

From The Atlantic, a brief guide on getting your child ready to spend his/her adult life in psychotherapy - and those of us who do therapy for a living thank you.

OK, seriously, this is a really good article - it's an in-depth look at current knowledge around the psychology of parenting and child development.

How to Land Your Kid in Therapy

Why the obsession with our kids’ happiness may be dooming them to unhappy adulthoods. A therapist and mother reports.

By Lori Gottlieb


Lou Brooks


If there’s one thing I learned in graduate school, it’s that the poet Philip Larkin was right. (“They fuck you up, your mum and dad, / They may not mean to, but they do.”) At the time, I was a new mom with an infant son, and I’d decided to go back to school for a degree in clinical psychology. With baby on the brain and term papers to write, I couldn’t ignore the barrage of research showing how easy it is to screw up your kids. Of course, everyone knows that growing up with “Mommy Dearest” produces a very different child from one raised by, say, a loving PTA president who has milk and homemade cookies waiting after school. But in that space between Joan Crawford and June Cleaver, where most of us fall, it seemed like a lot could go wrong in the kid-raising department.

As a parent, I wanted to do things right. But what did “right” mean? One look in Barnes & Noble’s parenting section and I was dizzy: child-centered, collaborative, or RIE? Brazelton, Spock, or Sears?

The good news, at least according to Donald Winnicott, the influential English pediatrician and child psychiatrist, was that you didn’t have to be a perfect mother to raise a well-adjusted kid. You just had to be, to use the term Winnicott coined, a “good-enough mother.” I was also relieved to learn that we’d moved beyond the concept of the “schizophrenogenic mother,” who’s solely responsible for making her kid crazy. (The modern literature acknowledges that genetics—not to mention fathers—play a role in determining mental health.) Still, in everything we studied—from John Bowlby’s “attachment theory” to Harry Harlow’s monkeys, who clung desperately to cloth dummies when separated from their mothers—the research was clear: fail to “mirror” your children, or miss their “cues,” or lavish too little affection on them, and a few decades later, if they had the funds and a referral, they would likely end up in one of our psychotherapy offices, on the couch next to a box of tissues, recounting the time Mom did this and Dad didn’t do that, for 50 minutes weekly, sometimes for years.

Our main job as psychotherapists, in fact, was to “re-parent” our patients, to provide a “corrective emotional experience” in which they would unconsciously transfer their early feelings of injury onto us, so we could offer a different response, a more attuned and empathic one than they got in childhood.

At least, that was the theory. Then I started seeing patients.

My first several patients were what you might call textbook. As they shared their histories, I had no trouble making connections between their grievances and their upbringings. But soon I met a patient I’ll call Lizzie. Imagine a bright, attractive 20-something woman with strong friendships, a close family, and a deep sense of emptiness. She had come in, she told me, because she was “just not happy.” And what was so upsetting, she continued, was that she felt she had nothing to be unhappy about. She reported that she had “awesome” parents, two fabulous siblings, supportive friends, an excellent education, a cool job, good health, and a nice apartment. She had no family history of depression or anxiety. So why did she have trouble sleeping at night? Why was she so indecisive, afraid of making a mistake, unable to trust her instincts and stick to her choices? Why did she feel “less amazing” than her parents had always told her she was? Why did she feel “like there’s this hole inside” her? Why did she describe herself as feeling “adrift”?

I was stumped. Where was the distracted father? The critical mother? Where were the abandoning, devaluing, or chaotic caregivers in her life?

As I tried to make sense of this, something surprising began happening: I started getting more patients like her. Sitting on my couch were other adults in their 20s or early 30s who reported that they, too, suffered from depression and anxiety, had difficulty choosing or committing to a satisfying career path, struggled with relationships, and just generally felt a sense of emptiness or lack of purpose—yet they had little to quibble with about Mom or Dad.

Instead, these patients talked about how much they “adored” their parents. Many called their parents their “best friends in the whole world,” and they’d say things like “My parents are always there for me.” Sometimes these same parents would even be funding their psychotherapy (not to mention their rent and car insurance), which left my patients feeling both guilty and utterly confused. After all, their biggest complaint was that they had nothing to complain about!

At first, I’ll admit, I was skeptical of their reports. Childhoods generally aren’t perfect—and if theirs had been, why would these people feel so lost and unsure of themselves? It went against everything I’d learned in my training.

But after working with these patients over time, I came to believe that no florid denial or distortion was going on. They truly did seem to have caring and loving parents, parents who gave them the freedom to “find themselves” and the encouragement to do anything they wanted in life. Parents who had driven carpools, and helped with homework each night, and intervened when there was a bully at school or a birthday invitation not received, and had gotten them tutors when they struggled in math, and music lessons when they expressed an interest in guitar (but let them quit when they lost that interest), and talked through their feelings when they broke the rules, instead of punishing them (“logical consequences” always stood in for punishment). In short, these were parents who had always been “attuned,” as we therapists like to say, and had made sure to guide my patients through any and all trials and tribulations of childhood. As an overwhelmed parent myself, I’d sit in session and secretly wonder how these fabulous parents had done it all.

Until, one day, another question occurred to me: Was it possible these parents had done too much?

Here I was, seeing the flesh-and-blood results of the kind of parenting that my peers and I were trying to practice with our own kids, precisely so that they wouldn’t end up on a therapist’s couch one day. We were running ourselves ragged in a herculean effort to do right by our kids—yet what seemed like grown-up versions of them were sitting in our offices, saying they felt empty, confused, and anxious. Back in graduate school, the clinical focus had always been on how the lack of parental attunement affects the child. It never occurred to any of us to ask, what if the parents are too attuned? What happens to those kids?




Video: Lori Gottlieb speaks to parenting expert Wendy Mogel about the ways well-meaning parents can ruin their children.

Child-rearing has long been a touchy subject in America, perhaps because the stakes are so high and the theories so inconclusive. In her book Raising America: Experts, Parents, and a Century of Advice About Children, Ann Hulbert recounts how there’s always been a tension among the various recommended parenting styles—the bonders versus the disciplinarians, the child-centered versus the parent-centered—with the pendulum swinging back and forth between them over the decades. Yet the underlying goal of good parenting, even during the heyday of don’t-hug-your-kid-too-much advice in the 1920s (“When you are tempted to pet your child, remember that mother love is a dangerous instrument,” the behavioral psychologist John Watson wrote in his famous guide to child-rearing), has long been the same: to raise children who will grow into productive, happy adults. My parents certainly wanted me to be happy, and my grandparents wanted my parents to be happy too. What seems to have changed in recent years, though, is the way we think about and define happiness, both for our children and for ourselves.

Nowadays, it’s not enough to be happy—if you can be even happier. The American Dream and the pursuit of happiness have morphed from a quest for general contentment to the idea that you must be happy at all times and in every way. “I am happy,” writes Gretchen Rubin in The Happiness Project, a book that topped the New York Times best-seller list and that has spawned something of a national movement in happiness-seeking, “but I’m not as happy as I should be.”

How happy should she be? Rubin isn’t sure. She sounds exactly like some of my patients. She has two wonderful parents; a “tall, dark, and handsome” (and wealthy) husband she loves; two healthy, “delightful” children; a strong network of friends; a beautiful neo-Georgian mansion on the Upper East Side; a law degree from Yale; and a successful career as a freelance writer. Still, Rubin writes, she feels “dissatisfied, that something [is] missing.” So to counteract her “bouts of melancholy, insecurity, listlessness, and free-floating guilt,” she goes on a “happiness journey,” making lists and action items, buying three new magazines every Monday for a month, and obsessively organizing her closets.

At one point during her journey, Rubin admits that she still struggles, despite the charts and resolutions and yearlong effort put into being happy. “In some ways,” she writes, “I’d made myself less happy.” Then she adds, citing one of her so-called Secrets of Adulthood, “Happiness doesn’t always make you feel happy.”

Modern social science backs her up on this. “Happiness as a byproduct of living your life is a great thing,” Barry Schwartz, a professor of social theory at Swarthmore College, told me. “But happiness as a goal is a recipe for disaster.” It’s precisely this goal, though, that many modern parents focus on obsessively—only to see it backfire. Observing this phenomenon, my colleagues and I began to wonder: Could it be that by protecting our kids from unhappiness as children, we’re depriving them of happiness as adults?

Paul Bohn, a psychiatrist at UCLA who came to speak at my clinic, says the answer may be yes. Based on what he sees in his practice, Bohn believes many parents will do anything to avoid having their kids experience even mild discomfort, anxiety, or disappointment—“anything less than pleasant,” as he puts it—with the result that when, as adults, they experience the normal frustrations of life, they think something must be terribly wrong.

Consider a toddler who’s running in the park and trips on a rock, Bohn says. Some parents swoop in immediately, pick up the toddler, and comfort her in that moment of shock, before she even starts crying. But, Bohn explains, this actually prevents her from feeling secure—not just on the playground, but in life. If you don’t let her experience that momentary confusion, give her the space to figure out what just happened (Oh, I tripped), and then briefly let her grapple with the frustration of having fallen and perhaps even try to pick herself up, she has no idea what discomfort feels like, and will have no framework for how to recover when she feels discomfort later in life. These toddlers become the college kids who text their parents with an SOS if the slightest thing goes wrong, instead of attempting to figure out how to deal with it themselves. If, on the other hand, the child trips on the rock, and the parents let her try to reorient for a second before going over to comfort her, the child learns: That was scary for a second, but I’m okay now. If something unpleasant happens, I can get through it. In many cases, Bohn says, the child recovers fine on her own—but parents never learn this, because they’re too busy protecting their kid when she doesn’t need protection.

Which made me think, of course, of my own sprints across the sand the second my toddler would fall. And of the time when he was 4 and a friend of mine died of cancer and I considered … not telling him! After all, he didn’t even know she’d been sick (once, commenting on her head scarves, he’d asked me if she was an Orthodox Jew, and like a wuss, I said no, she just really likes scarves). I knew he might notice that we didn’t see her anymore, but all of the parenting listservs I consulted said that hearing about a parent’s death would be too scary for a child, and that, without lying (because God forbid that we enlightened, attuned parents ever lie to our children), I should sugarcoat it in all these ways that I knew would never withstand my preschooler’s onslaught of cross-examining whys.

In the end, I told my son the truth. He asked a lot of questions, but he did not faint from the shock. If anything, according to Bohn, my trusting him to handle the news probably made him more trusting of me, and ultimately more emotionally secure. By telling him, I was communicating that I believed he could tolerate sadness and anxiety, and that I was here to help him through it. Not telling him would have sent a very different message: that I didn’t feel he could handle discomfort. And that’s a message many of us send our kids in subtle ways every day.

Dan Kindlon, a child psychologist and lecturer at Harvard, warns against what he calls our “discomfort with discomfort” in his book Too Much of a Good Thing: Raising Children of Character in an Indulgent Age. If kids can’t experience painful feelings, Kindlon told me when I called him not long ago, they won’t develop “psychological immunity.”

“It’s like the way our body’s immune system develops,” he explained. “You have to be exposed to pathogens, or your body won’t know how to respond to an attack. Kids also need exposure to discomfort, failure, and struggle. I know parents who call up the school to complain if their kid doesn’t get to be in the school play or make the cut for the baseball team. I know of one kid who said that he didn’t like another kid in the carpool, so instead of having their child learn to tolerate the other kid, they offered to drive him to school themselves. By the time they’re teenagers, they have no experience with hardship. Civilization is about adapting to less-than-perfect situations, yet parents often have this instantaneous reaction to unpleasantness, which is ‘I can fix this.’”

Wendy Mogel is a clinical psychologist in Los Angeles who, after the publication of her book The Blessing of a Skinned Knee a decade ago, became an adviser to schools all over the country. When I talked to her this spring, she said that over the past few years, college deans have reported receiving growing numbers of incoming freshmen they’ve dubbed “teacups” because they’re so fragile that they break down anytime things don’t go their way. “Well-intentioned parents have been metabolizing their anxiety for them their entire childhoods,” Mogel said of these kids, “so they don’t know how to deal with it when they grow up.”

Which might be how people like my patient Lizzie end up in therapy. “You can have the best parenting in the world and you’ll still go through periods where you’re not happy,” Jeff Blume, a family psychologist with a busy practice in Los Angeles, told me when I spoke to him recently. “A kid needs to feel normal anxiety to be resilient. If we want our kids to grow up and be more independent, then we should prepare our kids to leave us every day.”

But that’s a big if. Blume believes that many of us today don’t really want our kids to leave, because we rely on them in various ways to fill the emotional holes in our own lives. Kindlon and Mogel both told me the same thing. Yes, we devote inordinate amounts of time, energy, and resources to our children, but for whose benefit?

“We’re confusing our own needs with our kids’ needs and calling it good parenting,” Blume said, letting out a sigh. I asked him why he sighed. (This is what happens when two therapists have a conversation.) “It’s sad to watch,” he explained. “I can’t tell you how often I have to say to parents that they’re putting too much emphasis on their kids’ feelings because of their own issues. If a therapist is telling you to pay less attention to your kid’s feelings, you know something has gotten way of out of whack.”

Last October, in an article for the New York Times Magazine, Renée Bacher, a mother in Louisiana, described the emptiness she felt as she sent her daughter off to college in the Northeast. Bacher tried getting support from other mother friends, who, it turned out, were too busy picking up a refrigerator for a child’s college dorm room or rushing home to turn off a high-schooler’s laptop. And while Bacher initially justified her mother-hen actions as being in her daughter’s best interest—coming up with excuses to vet her daughter’s roommate or staying too long in her daughter’s dorm room under the guise of helping her move in—eventually she concluded: “As with all Helicopter Parenting, this was about me.”

Bacher isn’t unusual. Wendy Mogel says that colleges have had so much trouble getting parents off campus after freshman orientation that school administrators have had to come up with strategies to boot them. At the University of Chicago, she said, they’ve now added a second bagpipe processional at the end of opening ceremonies—the first is to lead the students to another event, the second to usher the parents away from their kids. The University of Vermont has hired “parent bouncers,” whose job is to keep hovering parents at bay. She said that many schools are appointing an unofficial “dean of parents” just to wrangle the grown-ups. Despite the spate of articles in recent years exploring why so many people in their 20s seem reluctant to grow up, the problem may be less that kids are refusing to separate and individuate than that their parents are resisting doing so.

“There’s a difference between being loved and being constantly monitored,” Dan Kindlon told me. And yet, he admitted, even he struggles. “I’m about to become an empty-nester,” he said, “and sometimes I feel like I’d burn my kids’ college applications just to have somebody to hang around with. We have less community nowadays—we’re more isolated as adults, more people are divorced—and we genuinely like spending time with our kids. We hope they’ll think of us as their best friends, which is different from parents who wanted their kids to appreciate them, but didn’t need them to be their pals. But many of us text with our kids several times a day, and would miss it if it didn’t happen. So instead of being peeved that they ask for help with the minutiae of their days, we encourage it.”

Long work hours don’t help. “If you’ve got 20 minutes a day to spend with your kid,” Kindlon asked, “would you rather make your kid mad at you by arguing over cleaning up his room, or play a game of Boggle together? We don’t set limits, because we want our kids to like us at every moment, even though it’s better for them if sometimes they can’t stand us.”

Kindlon also observed that because we tend to have fewer kids than past generations of parents did, each becomes more precious. So we demand more from them—more companionship, more achievement, more happiness. Which is where the line between selflessness (making our kids happy) and selfishness (making ourselves happy) becomes especially thin.

“We want our kids to be happy living the life we envision for them—the banker who’s happy, the surgeon who’s happy,” Barry Schwartz, the Swarthmore social scientist, told me, even though those professions “might not actually make them happy.” At least for parents of a certain demographic (and if you’re reading this article, you’re likely among them), “we’re not so happy if our kids work at Walmart but show up each day with a smile on their faces,” Schwartz says. “They’re happy, but we’re not. Even though we say what we want most for our kids is their happiness, and we’ll do everything we can to help them achieve that, it’s unclear where parental happiness ends and our children’s happiness begins.”

His comment reminded me of a conversation I’d just had with a camp director when I inquired about the program. She was going down the list of activities for my child’s age group, and when she got to basketball, T-ball, and soccer, she quickly added, “But of course, it’s all noncompetitive. We don’t encourage competition.” I had to laugh: all of these kids being shunted away from “competition” as if it were kryptonite. Not to get too shrink-y, but could this be a way for parents to work out their ambivalence about their own competitive natures?

It may be this question—and our unconscious struggle with it—that accounts for the scathing reaction to Amy Chua’s memoir, Battle Hymn of the Tiger Mother, earlier this year. Chua’s efforts “not to raise a soft, entitled child” were widely attacked on blogs and mommy listservs as abusive, yet that didn’t stop the book from spending several months on the New York Times best-seller list. Sure, some parents might have read it out of pure voyeurism, but more likely, Chua’s book resonated so powerfully because she isn’t so different from her critics. She may have been obsessed with her kids’ success at the expense of their happiness—but many of today’s parents who are obsessed with their kids’ happiness share Chua’s drive, just wrapped in a prettier package. Ours is a have-your-cake-and-eat-it-too approach, a desire for high achievement without the sacrifice and struggle that this kind of achievement often requires. When the Tiger Mom looked unsparingly at her parental contradictions, perhaps she made the rest of us squirm because we were forced to examine our own.

Chua, says Wendy Mogel, “was admitting in such a candid way what loads of people think but just don’t own up to.” In her practice, Mogel meets many parents who let kids off the hook for even basic, simple chores so they can spend more time on homework. Are these parents being too lenient (letting the chores slide), or too hard-core (teaching that good grades are more important than being a responsible family member)? Mogel and Dan Kindlon agree that whatever form it takes—whether the fixation is happiness or success—parental overinvestment is contributing to a burgeoning generational narcissism that’s hurting our kids.

Read the whole article.


Wednesday, June 30, 2010

Salon Speaks with Melvin Konner about The Evolution of Childhood

http://ecx.images-amazon.com/images/I/51PSygaan4L._SS500_.jpg

Melvin Konner's The Evolution of Childhood: Relationships, Emotion, Mind is a phenomenal book - Salon contributor Thomas Rogers recently spoke to him about the book. I posted a review from The Atlantic a while back, available here.

Why your kids act the way they do

A new book uses evolutionary biology to explain the mysteries of growing up -- and the obnoxiousness of teens

Why your kids act like they do

People, clearly, just can't get enough of watching babies do adorable things. Every week brings another adorable baby YouTube sensation, and recently, "Babies," a French film that follows four little ones in different corners of the world, has become a sleeper hit — despite its consisting of little more than documentary footage of newborns peeing, falling over and getting teased by older siblings. Why do we love watching them? Perhaps because we recognize parts of ourselves in them but still find something mysterious about the behavior of those tiny human beings.

The Evolution of Childhood: Relationships, Emotion, Mind, Melvin Konner's massive and massively researched new book, goes a long way in dispelling a lot of that mystery. Konner, a professor in the departments of anthropology and of neuroscience and behavioral biology at Emory University, gives a detailed and expansive overview of what the fields of anthropology, evolutionary biology, psychology and genetics have taught us about human childhood. The book, in fairly accessible language, explains the evolutionary purpose of everything from babies' expressions (humans, apparently, are the only animal who can pull off the "relaxed friendly smile") to crying, early childhood outbursts and juvenile delinquency.

Salon spoke to Konner over the phone about what makes human childhood special, how science changed his own parenting, and why today's teenagers are more obnoxious than those that came before.

What makes human childhood so different from that of other animals?

First of all, we get pushed out at an immature stage of development because of the size of the newborn baby’s brain and the upright posture makes it harder to get through the birth canal. Secondly, our childhood is stretched out — we have a very long period, seven to 10 years, between early childhood and puberty, where a child’s mind becomes more mature. That’s when we start school; cultures throughout the world have to assign important chores to children like taking care of the baby or taking are of the herd of goats or whatever.

And there’s one other really unique thing. In humans, women live a long time after menopause. We think that's because we need grandmothers to be around longer so they can help with their daughters’ babies. In humans, you have a baby and a mother surrounded by many others: grandmothers, fathers, other women who are helping. Over the course of human evolution, this enabled us to actually out-reproduce the other apes.

Interestingly, that's one of the biological arguments for homosexuality — that gay people exist to help others raise children.

It is being studied. It certainly makes a lot of sense. It’s hard to give a good evolutionary explanation for homosexuality, since many homosexuals are not directly reproducing themselves or are reproducing at a lower rate. One of the ideas is that they’re helping to create the nest, and that would be something that would have parallels in a lot of species. Another idea is that people with different sexual orientations have higher levels of creativity, and certainly some of the great creative artists of all time have been gay. But that too hasn’t been established as a general principle.

Why is human childhood so much longer than in other species?

There are a lot of theories about that, but I think that the best is that we just need it to allow our brains to slowly develop and absorb all kinds of knowledge from the world and from culture. Since we’re the only species that has true culture, we have to have that prolonged childhood, especially between the time of weaning and puberty.

But as you point out in the book, human pregnancy is actually much shorter than would be ideal for the development of the child.

Babies should probably be born after 12 months of gestation, not nine. In the course of our evolution we began standing upright, and then started to expand our brains. But the birth canal, which was adapted to upright walking, was disproportionate to the big brain. We solved that by pushing babies out when they’re really too young.

As a result, they’re not very socially or emotionally appealing or competent when they're first born, and parents often get disappointed taking their baby home from the hospital. It's not until three months in that you get the baby gazing into your eyes and turning you into mush. That’s when babies start smiling pretty much at everything that goes "goo goo gaga," and parents tend to fall in love with their babies.

So why aren't babies likable during their first three months?

There are a number of possible causes. There’s a whole theory in evolution now called parent-offspring conflict, which becomes obvious in certain situations like weaning or in the teenage years. The idea is that as much as we love our children, they love themselves more than we love them. In the entirety of human history, until very recently, human newborns had a hugely high mortality rate in the first month of life, so it may have been adaptive to mothers to postpone their greatest attachment to the baby until a couple months later, when the baby has a much higher chance of surviving.

What's the evolutionary purpose of adolescent rebellion?

In our culture, we give kids the message that at a certain point they’re going to be on their own and that involves breaking emotional ties with their parents. So it’s kind of like, "OK, you’re going to kick me out soon, so I’m going to reject you before you get a chance." But one of the big discoveries in the last decade in child development research is that there’s a lot of brain development after puberty, approximately between age 12 to 20. The brain, especially the frontal lobes of the brain, which are involved in suppressing impulses and organizing behavior in a rational and mature way, continues to develop during that time.

But now the age of puberty is two to three years younger than it used to be — it used to be 15, but now it's about 12 and a half, or 13. We’re walking away from the evolutionary background that we had. Now the surge of testosterone that occurs in both girls and boys at that time, which facilitates aggression, is happening against the background of the less developed brain. Many psychologists are sensibly, I think, arguing that we should take this into account in criminal cases that involve teenagers and the judgments they make. They just don’t have the brain to make decisions in the same the way that an adult does.

So teenagers really are becoming more obnoxious.

I think it’s fair to say.

Why is puberty happening at younger ages?

The likely reason is improvements in nutrition that have allowed our children to grow faster and taller. There’s also some new evidence that suggests that children who grow up in more hostile environments, where they’re being neglected or abused, but are getting enough to eat — the evolutionary theory is that they grow up faster. They get out of their childhood environment faster and start their own reproductive life sooner.

Many people argue that children's gender is a socially constructed thing — and very malleable. Is that true?

I think the story of psychological and anthropological research over the last hundred years shows that sex roles are far more flexible than we used to think, and I don’t think we’re at the end of that process yet. But there's evidence among monkeys that male and female infants play differently. There’s more rough-and-tumble play and wrestling and chasing in boy monkeys than girl monkeys, and this occurs even if there’s no difference in the way they’re reared. So I don't think we're going to abolish the difference between the sexes, because it is partly biological. But you can reduce and you can exaggerate it, and different cultures and different historical periods have done either one of those. It’s certainly not a bad idea to try and reduce the amount of violence you see in human males.

There's been a lot of talk lately about how the Internet age is warping children — by making them more impatient and more prone to multitasking. Does this have the potential to fundamentally change human childhood, or is it just the human brain adapting to new technology?

One of the interesting things that happened over the last three or four generations is that IQ has been increasing. Some people say that it’s because of technology and increasing access to information. But early in our evolution we lived in small face-to-face groups, where people were talking to each other all the time, all day and well into the night, and where relationships were critical. In some ways things like Facebook are a return to the very strong connectedness of communities that we evolved but lost. Kids are recovering it through technology; it’s very interesting. I think it’ll be interesting to see how future human evolution will be affected by it.

Did writing this book change the way you look at your own children?

I started this project right around the time that my first child was born. She’s 31 now. There’s been a constant interplay between my learning about the science and evolution and biology and anthropology of childhood and the responsibilities of parenthood and the frustrations and magic of children’s behavior staring me in the face every day of my life. My late wife and I spent two years in the Kalahari with Bushmen before we had children. And it influenced us — our children were breastfed much longer than most American children and allowed to sleep in bed with us. It wasn’t that I was convinced that that was better; it was something that we felt comfortable doing because we knew that cultures throughout the world did it that way.

What do you make of the success of "Babies"?

I haven't seen it yet, but it looks like a very nice depiction of how babies grow and are cared for in four different cultures and I’m all for that. In America we need a lot more exposure to the variety of child-rearing methods in cultures around the world. People start wondering about which preschool to send their kids to, how many hours a week of soccer, and whether there should be piano lessons and guitar lessons and a thousand other things that we obsess over in our culture. I’ve seen a variety of child rearing around the world personally, and it’s amazing how compatible that big range of caring for children is with normal development. Children will make use of what we give them in one way or another. You can’t control the process.