Showing posts with label parenting. Show all posts
Showing posts with label parenting. Show all posts

Tuesday, September 23, 2014

Michael Unger - Stop Bubble-Wrapping Your Kids! How Overprotection Leads to Psychological Damage

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Michael Ungar, PhD, is a family therapist and a professor of social work at Dalhousie University, where he codirects the Resilience Research Centre. He’s the author of Too Safe for Their Own Good: How Risk and Responsibility Help Teens Thrive.

This article was published originally in Psychotherapy Networker magazine and re-posted at Alternet.

This style of parenting seems to weird to me. Granted, I grew up in the 1970s, in a quiet suburb of Los Angeles, but I had an incredible amount of freedom compared to today's kids. As a seven or eight year old (maybe younger), I was allowed to walk nearly a mile to the 7-11 to buy baseball cards with my allowance on a Saturday morning. At eight or nine, I could ride my bicycle several miles with a friend or two to go to Magic Mountain, which included crossing several major intersections. As a nine-year-old in southern Oregon, I was allowed to be out all day, fishing my way with a friend down Williams Creek.

I grew up with the freedom to make mistakes, get stuffed in a garbage can (I was six, and we were riding our bikes in the junior high school down the street), and to explore the world in which I grew up. Those experiences are part of who I am today.

Psychologist: Stop Bubble-Wrapping Your Kids! How Overprotection Leads to Psychological Damage

If overprotection can disadvantage children, why do so many parents continue to bubble-wrap their kids?


Psychotherapy Networker / By Michael Ungar

September 17, 2014  |  I’m sure Shyam wasn’t thinking about the harm she was causing her 8-year-old daughter, Marian, when she demanded her daughter’s school put an extra crossing guard closer to their home. Nor did she doubt herself when she insisted that children be barred from bringing oranges to school because Marian developed a minor rash every time she ate one. At home, Marian was closely monitored and never allowed to take risks: no sleepovers, no playing on the trampoline with friends, no walking to the corner store (less than a block away) by herself.

Shyam might sound extreme in her parenting, but among the families that come to therapy these days, she’s far from an outlier. While not all overprotective parents are as extreme in their behaviors as Shyam (indeed, few experience themselves as being obsessive at all), many middle-class families are struggling to decide how much protection is the right amount, even when their children are showing signs of anxiety and rebellion as a result. Whether these families are my clients or my neighbors, overprotective parenting appears to have become the rule, rather than the exception, in today’s world.

I’ll be the first to admit that I found it difficult not to roll my eyes and tell Shyam to lighten up. I wanted to share stories about my own upbringing, which included healthy doses of benign neglect by a mother who told me to go outside and play and not come back until I was hungry, or badly injured.

Or I could’ve explained to Shyam that there’s now consensus among social scientists that children across the United States, Canada, Australia, England, and other high-income countries have never been safer. Even the respected epidemiologists at the Centers for Disease Control in Atlanta recently published a report that showed that the real risks to our children aren’t abductions by strangers or being murdered, but much more commonplace problems like bullying and obesity. Believe it or not, physical fighting, cigarette use, and even sexual activity among teens are all decreasing. And the police chiefs of Canada, much like police chiefs in other countries, tell us that crime in our communities is down, and that the person most likely to assault a child sexually is still, by far, a member of the child’s own family.

In my experience, however, no amount of statistical reporting gets parents to stop hovering over their children. Regardless of whether the parent is seeing me clinically or we’re sharing a burger on my back deck, statistics do not change behavior. The patterns are too enmeshed—and worse, reinforced by neighbors (who criticize parents for letting 8-year-olds walk to school alone), educators (who’ve forbidden failure in the classrooms and sanitized playgrounds), and Fox News anchors (who sensationalize every child abduction, no matter where it’s taken place). Shyam is symptomatic of a new normal, which is causing real harm to children’s psychosocial development.

This new normal is a growing pattern of overprotection that I’ve seen emerging as one of the thorniest clinical issues for therapists because it can look so reasonable. If we therapists have children too (I have two older teens), we may find ourselves empathizing and afraid to admit that we’re just as crazy when it comes to our own kids. Statistics be damned! We’re not going to let anything bad happen to our child.

Where Shyam is a little different from other parents is that, as a consequence of her relentless efforts to protect her daughter and ensure her success at every activity, Marian began to experience severe anxiety before school each day and show the early signs of anorexia. Indeed, the growing number of young adults who aren’t allowed responsibilities in life and who are presenting with anxiety disorders is a warning sign that many parents have lost their way. As a consultant to Shyam’s case, I knew that her fears needed to be challenged, albeit gently, and that Marian needed much more control over the decisions that affected her. The question was how could we, as the family’s clinical team, help Shyam and Marian find a new normal.

The Risk-Taker’s Advantage

Over years of working with parents to help undo the bubble wrap around their children, I’ve found four questions to be useful. Rather than insisting that parents change their behavior and supervise their children less, or trying to persuade them that the world really is a safer place today, I focus on how they can give their kids opportunities to experience the manageable amounts of risk and responsibility needed for success. I ask them:
1. When you were growing up and were about the same age as your child, what risks did you take and what responsibilities did you have?
2. What did you learn from those experiences?
3. Later in life, how helpful were those lessons?
4. How will your child learn the same life lessons?
These questions, especially the fourth one, shift the focus of the clinical work from trying to get parents to stop overprotecting to doing what’s positive for their children, which is providing them with opportunities to experience what I call the risk-taker’s advantage.

That advantage comes when children are given the chance to experience just enough stress to demand their full attention, but not so much that it overwhelms them. These manageable experiences can come in two forms—taking risks and assuming responsibility—which often go hand in hand. For example, giving a child her first pocket knife at, say, age 9 not only gives her the advantage of experiencing a little risky play with a sharp object: it signals that she’s responsible for keeping herself and others safe. Of course, few families find it difficult to argue against giving a child her own pocketknife, but ask those same parents to let their 9-year-old ride her bike to school alone, use the stove to help cook dinner, or go into a fast-food restaurant and order her meal by herself, and suddenly you’ll see them unsure about whether their child is competent enough to keep herself safe or responsible enough to make good decisions.

When we bubble-wrap children, we deny them opportunities to experience what evolutionary psychologists have described as antiphobic play. “Free-range children,” a term coined by New York City journalist Lenore Skenazy, are likelier to experience the exhilaration of overcoming situations that they’re biologically hardwired to fear until they have the physical and psychological maturity to cope with them. Riding the subway at age 9 alone and climbing high up into a tree both offer children the same opportunity to experience enough risk to scare themselves a bit while feeling responsible for the consequences that can follow recklessness. Adventurous play and progressively larger responsibilities are important building blocks for psychological well-being.

Shyam may have given Marian the protection an 8-year-old sometimes requires, but she was neglecting her daughter’s need to encounter risk, like going to the playground with her friends and attending sleepovers at someone else’s house, where bedtimes and expectations may differ from those at home. Such experiences bring with them advantages we can’t provide our kids without help from others.

When I met with Shyam alone, I used the four questions to tease apart her beliefs about her role as a parent and what Marian needed psychologically. When I asked Shyam what risks she’d taken growing up, she told me about her strict upbringing, in which she’d made few, if any, decisions on her own. She was expected to share responsibilities for housework and looking after her younger siblings. She was rarely outside her parents’ supervision—at least until college, when she went through a period of rebellion, tried drinking, and even had a boyfriend, though she refused to be sexually active until she married her husband, whom she met shortly after graduation.

Shyam’s early years had made her feel secure at home, but she’d learned little about taking chances outside it. She didn’t, at first, want to acknowledge that this pattern could be a problem for Marian. Her daughter would, she insisted, be a success, someone her whole family (including the grandparents) would admire. Nothing could put that success at risk.

I next asked Shyam whether she’d learned anything from having so many responsibilities as a child, or if taking those risks in college had taught her anything that was useful later in life. She admitted she was a little bitter about the responsibilities she’d been given, but happy that her childhood had taught her how to look after others. Her behavior at college, however, was unforgivable, she said, insisting nothing good had come of any of it.

“So let me see if I’m understanding,” I said to Shyam. “All those responsibilities you had while younger were good, even though you didn’t always like them?”

“What I liked was that I felt a lot older, ready to have my own children,” she responded.

“I sometimes hear from children who take risks that they feel much the same afterward. Both experiences—of taking risks and having responsibilities—make us feel older,” I said, “or in control of our lives. So I’m wondering, if you became a responsible adult by having responsibility for others, how is Marian going to find that same feeling of being all grown up?”

“I don’t want her to have to give up her childhood like I did,” Shyam protested.

“Yes, I understand,” I said. “But then, if she has no responsibilities for herself or others, and she’s not taking many risks, how will she learn the life lessons she needs to get ready to be away at college when she’s older?”

Though Shyam hesitated to admit it, I had the sense that my questions were making her worry that Marian would be less prepared for adulthood than even she had been. “I don’t know what else to do. She’s just a child, and our community is so dangerous,” she argued.

I knew Shyam was stuck, unsure of what else she should do. Pulling out the “our community is so dangerous” card was a last-ditch effort to defend herself and keep doing more of what she felt comfortable doing. For better or worse, though, Marian’s anxiety was increasing, and Shyam realized she couldn’t stop it by accompanying Marian to school each morning and sitting beside her for the first hour. Exasperated, Shyam finally began to look cautiously for opportunities to give Marian more risks and responsibilities appropriate to her age. She began by leaving Marian alone at her gymnastics lesson and letting her coach decide what amount of safety equipment was necessary. As Shyam explained, justifying her decision to us both, “She’s a professional coach and former national champion. I think she can assess the danger to Marian better than me, right? But I can’t watch. I have to go and come back or else I just get in the way.”

It was a helpful first step that let Marian experience both a measure of well-managed risk and a period of responsibility for herself. When I asked Marian about the change, she was enthusiastic about the independence she was experiencing. Gymnastics lessons without her mother may have seemed to me like just a normal kid activity—but to Marian, it may as well have been a solo flight over Antarctica.

Unfortunately, however, even when parents try to stop hovering over their child, the social gaze of their extended families and communities can thwart their efforts. One mother I met was surprised when her neighbor knocked on her door holding the mother’s 5-year-old son by the hand. “I saw him playing at the bottom of your driveway and thought you should know he was near the road,” she said.
“Thank you,” the mother replied and explained that she’d taught her son not to go off the driveway. Besides, even if he had, she’d reasoned, the traffic on their quiet suburban street was so light, it was unlikely the boy would have been hurt.

“Oh, he hadn’t gone in the road at all,” said the neighbor. “But it just looked to me like he could be in some danger.”

All this emphasis on safety and monitoring our children is missing the point of parenting. While children are young enough to pay attention to the advice of their caregivers, they should be encouraged to experience enough risk and responsibility to learn from the small mistakes they’re bound to make.

Kids Need Responsibility

When 13-year-old Tricia came to see me she was doing everything she could to distance herself from a world of zero risk and predictable success. Just months before I met her, she’d been the preppy kid with the big smile and enthusiasm for fundraising. Then puberty whooshed in like a thunderstorm and she began asking for more risk and more responsibility, like being able to stay out later with her friends. It was normal kid stuff, which a generation or two ago would never have triggered a referral to therapy. However, Tricia’s parents, like most other parents in their community, were suddenly becoming overprotective. Instead of realizing their daughter was growing up and looking for the rites of passage that mark a transition to adulthood, they’d begun to worry that she was in too much danger beyond their front door.

Like any high-spirited youth, Tricia rebelled. She turned Goth, dyed her hair black, and began disappearing after school. Her rebelliousness led to arguments at home and groundings. These only made matters worse. By the time I caught up with Tricia and her parents, Tricia had fully committed herself to doing everything in her power to show them that she could look after herself. Unfortunately, that had meant experimenting with soft drugs and alcohol and finding a boyfriend a couple years older than her. It might sound extreme, but in my experience such behaviors have become common among the middle-class kids from secure homes with caregivers who put too much effort into monitoring them. Tricia didn’t want to be “bad,” but what other choice did she have if she was going to experience enough risk and responsibility to feel grown up?

Over several weekly meetings, I invited Tricia’s parents to talk about their lives growing up, with their daughter present. Those conversations became the basis for renegotiations of the house rules and discussions about how to assign Tricia meaningful responsibilities at home. In other words, we stopped the arguments over making her bed and instead insisted she help shop for the weekly groceries and cook once a week. We also worked on getting Tricia’s parents to stop saying no and instead find ways to say yes to the developmental things Tricia wanted to take on. That meant allowing her to have a boyfriend, but insisting she sit down with their family doctor to discuss sexual health and safety. Tricia’s father summarized our work together this way: “I guess if she’s old enough to mess up, she’s old enough to take some responsibility to do things right.”

It was interesting that as Tricia was given more opportunities to experience manageable amounts of risk and responsibility for herself and others, she began to appreciate the structure her parents were providing. She came home for dinner more often, didn’t mind being reminded to go to bed when it was getting late on a school night, and even agreed to go on a family camping trip. She was, after all, still a child, with a child’s need for attachment to her caregivers, but she was also an adolescent, who required experiences beyond those that her family could provide her.

A Solution to Overprotection

I recently spoke to an audience of 500 teachers and caregivers about the potential consequences of overprotective parenting. If the questions afterward indicated anything, it’s that as a group, we’re split on what makes for good parenting at a time when we perceive our children threatened by everything from pedophiles to peanuts.

One mother wanted to know if it would be appropriate for her 7-year-old son to walk to school on his own (she’d been letting him do it, but worried that other parents considered her irresponsible). Rather than answering yes or no, I suggested she consider whether there were major highways to cross or gangs of violent youth waiting to rob her son. I asked her about her child’s ability to find his way alone. And then I asked her how she’d gotten to school when she’d been 7. As she considered each question, I could see her reaching the same conclusion I’d have reached: that if her community is as safe as most middle-class neighborhoods, then yes, her child should walk to school.

The next parent asked how to handle his 12-year-old daughter, who wanted to get a tattoo. He wished she’d wait, but wondered if he was just being overprotective. The issue had become an ongoing struggle, and the girl was threatening to run away if her parents didn’t let her do what she wanted. Before answering, I had to take a deep breath, anxious that the audience understand that not being overprotective wasn’t the same as being too permissive.

“I’m not sure a 12-year-old can make a well-informed decision about a tattoo,” I said. “That seems to be something we as parents should exercise some control over. If she were my daughter, I’d tell her to wait, at least until she likes wearing the same style of clothing for more than a year.” The audience laughed. “Could you give her a clothing allowance instead and let her choose what she wears for a few years, and then promise to revisit tattoos when, say, she’s 16?”

The audience’s questions highlighted the problem we face as parents. We’ve become so focused on keeping children safe that many of us don’t seem to know what’s normal anymore. It’s as if we look at children as a species of underevolved pets, whom we adults must take care of. Excessive protection, however, goes against what we know about the positive role that risk and responsibility play in children’s development.

Being pushed to the point of failure at tasks that, with effort, we can manage is necessary to develop a sense of personal efficacy. Research on children’s behavior in sports shows that children who have incremental opportunities to push themselves to the limits of their ability are likelier to handle genuinely daunting physical challenges, like a double black-diamond ski run, with aplomb because of the confidence they gain by facing and surmounting challenges. Untested children are likelier to be anxious, tense, afraid of the hill, and therefore the odds-on favorites to wind up in a cast.

I’ve found in my clinical work that the solution to the problem of overprotection can begin with two tasks. First, parents need to make a realistic survey of the risks their children face at home and beyond their front door. Second, they need to assess their children’s capacity to solve their own problems given the risks they face. If we remember that resilience is nurtured when children have the support they need to develop competencies and self-efficacy, then our role as caregivers (and therapists) becomes that of crossing guards, rather than jailors. We can ease children’s successful—if sometimes challenging—transition through danger, rather than sparing them from danger altogether.

Enabling Change

A great deal of neurological evidence shows that facilitated engagement with a mildly stressful environment may be beneficial to a child’s development. Bruce Ellis at the University of Arizona and W. Thomas Boyce at the University of British Columbia have worked together to show that a highly emotionally reactive child (made that way by genetic predisposition or obsessive parenting) can function just fine in a low-stress and well-supported household, but wilts when put into new surroundings. Of course, that doesn’t mean we want to force children to endure rocky lives just to develop a hardy disposition. The best environments for children foster growth, but they don’t overwhelm them with so much shelter that children lack opportunities to develop the skills they’ll need to survive when bad things happen.

I hate blaming parents for messing up their kids, but the truth is that many parents today aren’t doing what they should be doing to ensure their children’s optimal development. We’re seeing an explosion of cases in which love and protection are trumping common sense and science. For example, the therapist of an overly anxious 7-year-old consulted with me because he knew the boy’s anxiety was being triggered by his mother, who constantly reminded him of how dangerous school can be and of his own fragility. Germs are everywhere, the mother told him, so he should always carry a bottle of hand sanitizer and never play in the sandbox. Playground equipment can break bones, so he should never play on the swings or, heaven forbid, the teeter-totter. Strangers are lurking to steal the child in every grocery store, so he must never be out of eye contact with her. As if all that wasn’t bad enough, the boy was expected to succeed at every task, from playing nicely with his friends to reading three grade levels beyond his age. Unsurprisingly, he became insecure and shy whenever his mother left him. He refused to go outside at recess unless an adult accompanied him. In class, if he couldn’t solve a math problem or his drawing wasn’t beautiful enough, he’d throw a tantrum.

We tried asking the boy’s mother to focus less on germs and more on encouraging her son to become healthy and strong by spending time outside. We asked her about her favorite sports growing up (she couldn’t recall any), and we asked her to research the real risks to her child from germs. Despite repeated efforts to have her reconsider what she said to her son, there was little measurable change after several months. It was as if we couldn’t find a way to help her without making her more defensive.

Eventually, we reached out to the boy’s school and his paternal grandfather for whatever help they could offer. The school agreed to give the boy some responsibility, encouraging him to help teach the younger children to read. His grandfather agreed to take the boy out once a week for an adventure: a waterpark, four-wheeling at a nearby farm, or just staying out late enough to watch the fireworks on the Fourth of July. It was difficult to get the mother to agree to these interventions, as small as they were, but since they were being offered by trusted sources of support, they were easier to sell. Finally, we spoke with the boy about his experience of the world and whether he found it dangerous. The more opportunities he had for interesting excursions and assisting the teacher, the more he began to like being with other people. He began making new friends and even stopped refusing to go out at recess.

Since the boy’s mother never really changed, we enlisted the help of external partners to do what she couldn’t bring herself to do: expose her son to risk and responsibility. As a systemic therapist, I sometimes feel strange benching parents to give their children what they need developmentally. But in many cases when anxiety or delinquency reflects overly enmeshed and overly protective parenting, I’ve found that the solutions need to be more ecological. In other words, it’s a matter of changing the environment—which can mean giving kids chances to use an ax when camping, or ride a snowmobile. Even the most vulnerable kids will grow if the environment is rich in opportunities.

The Problems of the Privileged

The pattern of overmonitoring children’s every move and emotional experience shows up in dozens of ways, small and large. Think, for example, of parents who sit and watch their 5-year-old at a soccer practice, the team swarming the ball as it moves from one end of the field to the other. It does a child no good when every time she touches the ball, her parents shout, “Way to go!” and clap enthusiastically. The child has done nothing to merit such praise and, in my experience, can grow up expecting to be the darling of everyone’s attention all the time. That’s not the perfect formula for the kind of individual who can form an equal and loving relationship with another person. According to these kids’ parents, though, nothing should threaten their children’s self-esteem. While these parents mean well, the world of hand sanitizers, net nannies, and oversupervision isn’t giving children the risk-taker’s advantage.

As a therapist, I encounter children when overprotection has led to psychopathology. My role is to remind parents, gently but firmly, that their children need a variety of experiences for normal development, including opportunities to screw up and fix their problems themselves. The work can be exhausting, if only because this always seems like it’s a problem we don’t need to be having. I understand better the need for intervention with children coping with exposure to war, racism, and bullying. But being overprotected in safe communities, with lots of advantages in life? It makes no sense, but it’s a problem of the privileged that doesn’t appear to be going away anytime soon.

Sometimes I succeed in helping families reconsider their obsession with their child’s success and safety; sometimes not so much. What I do know is that often when I’m successful as a therapist, parents who were once overprotective zealots, doing what they’d been told by risk-averse communities, become allies in the battle to change their children’s schools and neighborhoods. They’re the ones pushing for zip lines on the playground, permission for children to throw snowballs during recess, and organizing bike-to-school days.

If overprotection can disadvantage children, why do so many parents continue to bubble-wrap their kids? Should we blame a culture of risk aversion, or the news media’s obsession with sexual assaults on children? Do some parents like to keep their children endlessly dependent? Or do they have such fragile egos that they need their children to be safe and successful so they can feel whole? Individual families offer many reasons for patterns of overprotection that may pose challenges in therapy. What’s clear to me is that parents, whatever their motives, don’t give up patterns of overprotection just because the statistics tell them their communities are safe. Most parents, however, will change when they’re persuaded that they’re disadvantaging their child. After all, they’re fundamentally motivated to see their child succeed. Once they recognize that a mix of a little failure, a lot of responsibility, and some risk can help their child become healthier and happier, they begin to see their children and their role as parents with new eyes. Suddenly, being a good parent no longer seems irreconcilable with learning to lighten up.

Michael Ungar, PhD, is a family therapist and a professor of social work at Dalhousie University, where he codirects the Resilience Research Centre. He’s the author of the bestseller Too Safe for Their Own Good: How Risk and Responsibility Help Teens Thrive.

Monday, July 21, 2014

Measuring Nurture: Study Shows How 'Good Mothering' Hardwires Infant Brain


The study summarized below was conducted on rats, but parent-child bonding at the physiological level is pretty much the same in all mammals - so this does translate well to humans.

The study found that the presence and nurturing behaviors of the mother (or father, or primary care-giver) toward the newborn directly shapes the wiring and function of the infant's brain. This is the first study to show this process (which is well-known) WHILE it is happening.

Pretty cool. The paper itself, of course, is behind a paywall, so below is the summary from Science Daily, followed by the abstract of the original article.

Measuring nurture: Study shows how 'good mothering' hardwires infant brain

Date: July 17, 2014
Source: NYU Langone Medical Center
 

Summary:
By carefully watching nearly a hundred hours of video showing mother rats protecting, warming, and feeding their young pups, and then matching up what they saw to real-time electrical readings from the pups’ brains, researchers have found that the mother’s presence and social interactions — her nurturing role — directly molds the early neural activity and growth of her offsprings’ brain.


Mother rat carrying her baby in her mouth, 5 days old (stock image). Researchers at NYU Langone Medical Center have found that the mother's presence and nurturing directly molds the early neural activity and growth of her offsprings' brain.
By carefully watching nearly a hundred hours of video showing mother rats protecting, warming, and feeding their young pups, and then matching up what they saw to real-time electrical readings from the pups' brains, researchers at NYU Langone Medical Center have found that the mother's presence and social interactions -- her nurturing role -- directly molds the early neural activity and growth of her offsprings' brain.

Reporting in the July 21 edition of the journal Current Biology, the NYU Langone team showed that the mother's presence in the nest regulated and controlled electrical signaling in the infant pup's brain.

Although scientists have known for decades that maternal-infant bonding affects neural development, the NYU Langone team's latest findings are believed to be the first to show -- as it is happening -- how such natural, early maternal attachment behaviors, including nesting, nursing, and grooming of pups, impact key stages in postnatal brain development.

Researchers say the so-called slow-wave, neural signaling patterns seen during the initial phases of mammalian brain development -- between age 12 and 20 days in rats -- closely resembled the electrical patterns seen in humans for meditation and conscious and unconscious sleep-wake cycles, and during highly focused attention. These early stages are when permanent neural communication pathways are known to form in the infant brain, and when increasing numbers of nerve axons become sheathed, or myelinated, to speed neural signaling.

According to senior study investigator and neurobiologist Regina Sullivan, PhD, whose previous research in animals showed how maternal interactions influenced gene activity in the infant brain, the latest study offers an even more profound perspective on maternal caregiving.

"Our research shows how in mammals the mother's sensory stimulation helps sculpt and mold the infant's growing brain and helps define the role played by 'nurturing' in healthy brain development, and offers overall greater insight into what constitutes good mothering," says Sullivan, a professor at the NYU School of Medicine and its affiliated Nathan S. Kline Institute for Psychiatric Research. "The study also helps explain how differences in the way mothers nurture their young could account, in part, for the wide variation in infant behavior among animals, including people, with similar backgrounds, or in uniform, tightly knit cultures."

"There are so many factors that go into rearing children," says lead study investigator Emma Sarro, PhD, a postdoctoral research fellow at NYU Langone. "Our findings will help scientists and clinicians better understand the whole-brain implications of quality interactions and bonding between mothers and infants so closely after birth, and how these biological attachment behaviors frame the brain's hard wiring."

For the study, a half-dozen rat mothers and their litters, of usually a dozen pups, were watched and videotaped from infancy for preset times during the day as they naturally developed. One pup from each litter was outfitted with a miniature wireless transmitter, invisibly placed under the skin and next to the brain to record its electrical patterns.

Specifically, study results showed that when rat mothers left their pups alone in the nest, infant cortical brain electrical activity, measured as local field potentials, jumped 50 percent to 100 percent, and brain wave patterns became more erratic, or desynchronous. Researchers point out that such periodic desynchronization is key to healthy brain growth and communication across different brain regions.

During nursing, infant rat pups calmed down after attaching themselves to their mother's nipple. Brain activity also slowed and became more synchronous, with clearly identifiable electrical patterns.

Slow-wave infant brain activity increased by 30 percent, while readings of higher brain-wave frequencies decreased by 30 percent. Milk delivery led to intermittent bursts of electrical brain activity that were double or five times higher than before.

Similar spikes in rat brain activity of more than 100 percent were observed when mothers naturally groomed their infant pups.

However, these brain surges progressively declined during weaning, as infant pups gained independence from their mothers, leaving the nest and seeking food on their own as they grew past two weeks of age.

Additional experiments with a neural-signaling blocking agent, propranolol, confirmed that maternal effects were controlled in part by secretion of norepinephrine, a key neurotransmitter and hormone involved in most basic brain and body functions, including regulation of heart rate and cognition. Noradrenergic blocking in infant rats mostly dampened all previously observed effects induced by their mothers.

Sullivan says her team next plans similar experiments to look at how behavioral variations by the mother affect infant rat brain development, with the added goal of mapping any differences in brain development.

Long term, they say, they hope to develop diagnostic tools and therapies for people whose brains may have been impaired or simply underdeveloped during infancy.

Sarro says more research is also under way to investigate what other, nonadrenergic biological mechanisms might also be involved in controlling maternal sensory stimulation of the infant brain.

Story Source:
The above story is based on materials provided by NYU Langone Medical Center. Note: Materials may be edited for content and length.

Journal Reference:
Sarro, EC, Wilson, DA, Sullivan, RM. (2014, Jul 3). Maternal Regulation of Infant Brain State. Current Biology; Epub before print. DOI: 10.1016/j.cub.2014.06.017
* * * * *

Maternal Regulation of Infant Brain State

Emma C. Sarro, Donald A. Wilson, Regina M. Sullivan
DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.cub.2014.06.017
Publication stage: In Press Corrected Proof

Highlights

  • The mother’s presence reduces infant rat cortical desynchronization
  • Maternal behaviors (e.g., milk ejection and grooming) increase desynchronization
  • Maternal effects on infant cortical activity decline with age
  • Norepinephrine receptor blockade reduces impact of dam on infant cortical activity
Summary

Patterns of neural activity are critical for sculpting the immature brain, and disrupting this activity is believed to underlie neurodevelopmental disorders [ 1–3 ]. Neural circuits undergo extensive activity-dependent postnatal structural and functional changes [ 4–6 ]. The different forms of neural plasticity [ 7–9 ] underlying these changes have been linked to specific patterns of spatiotemporal activity. Since maternal behavior is the mammalian infant’s major source of sensory-driven environmental stimulation and the quality of this care can dramatically affect neurobehavioral development [ 10 ], we explored, for the first time, whether infant cortical activity is influenced directly by interactions with the mother within the natural nest environment. We recorded spontaneous neocortical local field potentials in freely behaving infant rats during natural interactions with their mother on postnatal days ∼12–19. We showed that maternal absence from the nest increased cortical desynchrony. Further isolating the pup by removing littermates induced further desynchronization. The mother’s return to the nest reduced this desynchrony, and nipple attachment induced a further reduction but increased slow-wave activity. However, maternal simulation of pups (e.g., grooming and milk ejection) consistently produced rapid, transient cortical desynchrony. The magnitude of these maternal effects decreased with age. Finally, systemic blockade of noradrenergic beta receptors led to reduced maternal regulation of infant cortical activity. Our results demonstrate that during early development, mother-infant interactions can immediately affect infant brain activity, in part via a noradrenergic mechanism, suggesting a powerful influence of the maternal behavior and presence on circuit development.

Thursday, April 10, 2014

Early Childhood Stress and Adult Mental Illness - New Research

The title above is closely related to a project I have been working on for the past several weeks, whenever I have a little bit of free time. Nearly ALL mental illness can be traced to environmental stress and relational traumas. Finally, researchers are beginning to look into these relationships.

Below are pieces of four recent studies on the impact of chronic stress in children that have made it into the press. These articles are mostly looking at the physical health outcomes, but we know beyond a doubt that a whole spectrum of adverse childhood events leads to physical health issues as well as mental health issues.

As always, follow the links to read the whole article.

Chronic stress in early life causes anxiety, aggression in adulthood, neurobiologists find

Date: March 27, 2014
Source: Cold Spring Harbor Laboratory

Summary:
In experiments to assess the impacts of social stress upon adolescent mice, both at the time they are experienced and during adulthood, a laboratory team conducted many different kinds of stress tests and means of measuring their impacts. The research indicates that a 'hostile environment in adolescence disturbs psychoemotional state and social behaviors of animals in adult life,' the team says.
Full Citation:
Irina L. Kovalenko, Anna G. Galyamina, Dmitry A. Smagin, Tatyana V. Michurina, Natalia N. Kudryavtseva, Grigori Enikolopov. Extended Effect of Chronic Social Defeat Stress in Childhood on Behaviors in Adulthood. PLoS ONE, 2014; 9 (3): e91762 DOI: 10.1371/journal.pone.0091762

The above article is open access.

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Stress alters children's genomes

Poverty and unstable family environments shorten chromosome-protecting telomeres in nine-year-olds.

Jyoti Madhusoodanan
07 April 2014


Telomeres (shown in red) protect the ends of chromosomes from fraying over time. Pasieka/Science Photo Library

Growing up in a stressful social environment leaves lasting marks on young chromosomes, a study of African American boys has revealed. Telomeres, repetitive DNA sequences that protect the ends of chromosomes from fraying over time, are shorter in children from poor and unstable homes than in children from more nurturing families.

When researchers examined the DNA of 40 boys from major US cities at age 9, they found that the telomeres of children from harsh home environments were 19% shorter than those of children from advantaged backgrounds. The length of telomeres is often considered to be a biomarker of chronic stress.

The study, published today in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences1, brings researchers closer to understanding how social conditions in childhood can influence long-term health, says Elissa Epel, a health psychologist at the University of California, San Francisco, who was not involved in the research.
Full Citation:
Mitchell, C. et al. (2014). Social disadvantage, genetic sensitivity, and children’s telomere length. Proc. Natl. Acad. Sci. USA. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1404293111

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This number was 25% a couple of decades ago, and now it is 40%? What is happening with parenting that so many children lack secure parental bonds?

Four in 10 infants lack strong parental attachments

Date: March 27, 2014
Source: Princeton University, Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs

Summary:
In a study of 14,000 US children, 40 percent lack strong emotional bonds -- what psychologists call 'secure attachment' -- with their parents that are crucial to success later in life, according to a new report. The researchers found that these children are more likely to face educational and behavioral problems.
Full Citation:
The above story is based on materials provided by Princeton University, Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs. Note: Materials may be edited for content and length.

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This article is basically a review of the current research, although not an in-depth one, but it offers another glimpse into the ways environment impacts children - from Live Science.

The Truth About How Mom's Stress Affects Baby's Brain

By Stephanie Pappas, Senior Writer | February 24, 2014


A dancing robot is used to test babies' temperaments at the University of Denver lab of Elysia Poggi Davis. Credit: Stephanie Pappas for LiveScience

DENVER — My daughter is sitting in a high chair, watching a black-and-white robot almost as big as she is bust a move.

A Vegas floor show this is not, but for a 7-month-old, a dancing robot is either fascinating or terrifying. How my daughter (or any baby) responds to such a display can reveal the child's temperament. And that, among other things, is what brought us here to this cheerful neurodevelopment lab decorated with cartoons of zebras and giraffes.

Here at the University of Denver, psychologists are working to understand how the early environment affects a child's life course — but the environment that researchers Elysia Poggi Davis and Pilyoung Kim are interested in isn't just the home or the neighborhood, but also the womb.

Stress hormones (and medications that mimic them) may have long-lasting effects on infants, Davis and Kim have found. And exposure in the womb is where it all begins.

Wednesday, March 05, 2014

Another Couple Found Guilty of Murder for Parenting by "To Train Up a Child"

This is so effed up I am nearly speechless. The children being raised by people who follow this ass-backward book by Michael and Debi Pearl are destined for years of therapy, assuming they don't wake up one morning in their teen years and decide that the only solution to their suffering is to shoot their parents while they sleep.

The Pearls should be charged and tried as accessories to these murders.

Another couple found guilty of murder for parenting by "To Train Up a Child"

November 15, 2013

SEATTLE – Carri Williams was found guilty of homicidal abuse of a child and first-degree assault of a child in the death of her adopted daughter, Hana.  Carri’s husband, Larry Williams, was found guilty of first-degree manslaughter and assault of a chi...

SEATTLE – Carri Williams was found guilty of homicidal abuse of a child and first-degree assault of a child in the death of her adopted daughter, Hana. Carri’s husband, Larry Williams, was found guilty of first-degree manslaughter and assault of a child...


Two parents in Washington state have been found guilty of murder after allegedly following the abusive parenting techniques advocated in the parenting book "To Train Up a Child" by Michael and Debi Pearl.

Larry and Carri Williams received the maximum prison sentences allowable under the law after being found guilty of beating and starving their adopted daughter Hana to death. The methods they used to "discipline" their daughter were advocated in the controversial Christian book.

The New York Times reported:
Late one night in May this year, the adopted girl, Hana, was found face down, naked and emaciated in the backyard; her death was caused by hypothermia and malnutrition, officials determined. According to the sheriff’s report, the parents had deprived her of food for days at a time and had made her sleep in a cold barn or a closet and shower outside with a hose. And they often whipped her, leaving marks on her legs. The mother had praised the Pearls’ book and given a copy to a friend, the sheriff’s report said. Hana had been beaten the day of her death, the report said, with the 15-inch plastic tube recommended by Mr. Pearl.
Some of the discipline techniques the Pearls teach include:
  • Using plastic plumbing tubing to beat children
  • Wearing the plastic tubing around the parent's neck as a constant reminder to obey
  • "Swatting" babies as young as six months old with instruments such as "a 12-inch willowy branch," thinner plastic tubing or a wooden spoon
  • "Blanket training" babies by hitting them with an instrument if they try to crawl off a blanket on the floor
  • Beating older children with rulers, paddles, belts and larger tree branches
  • "Training" children with pain before they even disobey, in order to teach total obedience
  • Giving cold water baths, putting children outside in cold weather and withholding meals as discipline
  • Hosing off children who have potty training accidents
  • Inflicting punishment until a child is "without breath to complain"
Michael Pearl tells one mother on his website, "I could break his anger in two days. He would be too scared to get angry. On the third day he would draw into a quiet shell and obey."

Despite Pearl's claim that plumbing line is too light to cause damage to muscle or bone, it caused the death of seven year-old Lydia Schatz in 2010. Officials ruled that she died of severe tissue damage.

The Pearls and their ministry, No Greater Joy, make an estimated $1.7 million a year.

The couple is the third set of parents to be found guilty of killing their children who were said to be followers of the Pearls, whose books are commonly given out in some churches and sent for free to military families. It is unknown how many other children's deaths could be tied to the books.

I have written extensively about the Pearls in the past, including:
After the death of 7 year-old Lydia Schatz, family friend Paul Mathers wrote on his blog:
"The Schatzes followed, to a "t", a system of child rearing which came from Michael and Debi Pearl... The Pearls are not professionally trained or educated in child development. They came up with this darkness out of the abundance of their hearts... It is one of the most hate-filled, wicked and evil systems I've encountered in my life, all with a sheen of 'Christian' and 'happy families.'"
Mathers told Salon.com:
"I would love to see the people rise up and say no to the Pearls, that this will not stand. I would love to see the Pearl system become anathema, disgusting, and shunned by the world. I would love to see the Pearls out of a job. Before another child dies."
Sadly, this was not the case.

Please use your voice, both online and off, to speak up against abusive practices like those advocated in To Train Up a Child. Put a banner on your blog. Post to your Facebook page. Speak up in your church. Sign the petition asking Amazon.com to stop selling these books. Give better books and resources to new parents you know.

Children need love, safety and guidance. The best way to raise good children is to be good to them. Let's do all we can to protect all children from anybody who says otherwise.

Want to stay in the loop? Be sure to subscribe to my column to be updated when I post articles. You can also find me on Pinterest and on examiner.com on the topics of homeschooling, green living and my national attachment parenting column.

Want to learn a gentler way to deal with discipline issues? To see some of my advice on issues such as children talking back, hitting, drawing on walls, toothbrushing battles and fighting with siblings, see my Attachment Parenting archives here.

Monday, August 19, 2013

The Horse Boy - Autism, Horses, and Mongolian Shamans


When Rupert Isaacson and Kristin Neff (parents of Rowan) reach their limit in caring for their autistic son, having tried medications, diets, and everything else, they seek a more traditional method of healing - horses and shamans.
They journey to Mongolia with Rowan and seek out various shamans for healing, eventually making their way to the Reindeer People (who ride reindeer), where the possibility of a miracle healing is presented to them.

With commentary along the way from Dr. Temple Grandin and Dr. Simon Baron-Cohen, among others, we also learn what it means to have autism and to be non-neurotypical.


How far would you travel to heal someone you love? An intensely personal yet epic spiritual journey, THE HORSE BOY follows one Texas couple and their autistic son as they trek on horseback through Outer Mongolia, in a desperate attempt to treat his condition with shamanic healing. 
A complex condition that can dramatically affect social interaction and communication skills, autism is the fastest-growing developmental disability today. After two-year-old Rowan Isaacson was diagnosed with autism, he ceased speaking, retreated into himself for hours at a time, and often screamed inconsolably for no apparent reason. Rupert Isaacson, a writer and former horse trainer, and his wife Kristin Neff, a psychology professor, sought the best possible medical care for their son. But traditional therapies had little effect. 
 
Then they discovered that Rowan has a profound affinity for animals, particularly horses. When Rupert began to ride with Rowan every day, Rowan began to talk again and engage with the outside world. Was there a place on the planet that combined horses and healing? There was — Mongolia, the country where the horse was first domesticated, and where shamanism is the state religion. What if we were to take Rowan there, thought Rupert, and ride on horseback from shaman to shaman? What would happen? 
THE HORSE BOY is a magical expedition from the wild open steppe to the sacred Lake Sharga. As the family sets off on a quest for a possible cure, Rupert and Kristin find their son is accepted — even treasured — for his differences. By telling one family’s extraordinary story, the film gives a voice to the thousands of families who are living with autism every day. As Rupert and Kristin struggle to make sense of their child’s autism, and find healing for him and themselves in this unlikeliest of places, Rowan makes dramatic leaps forward, astonishing both his parents and himself.

Friday, August 16, 2013

Epigenetics - How Early Life Environment Shapes Future Stress Response


In this new study from Frontiers in Molecular Psychiatry, the researchers looked at the epigenetics of early life environment and how that impacts future ability to manage stress. Essentially, the researchers asked, "if chronic early-life predictable and nurturing maternal care can reduce excitatory synaptic input onto stress-sensitive neurons in the hypothalamus, and hence “desensitize” future stress responses, then might abusive, erratic, or neglectful maternal behavior provoke the opposite?"

Their question is based on newer information suggesting that there is a "critical window" in development following birth during which neuronal gene expression may be reprogrammed through epigenetic mechanisms. These changes seem to persist for the lifetime of the individual.

Fascinating stuff - and very relevant to attachment theory, resilience, and in explaining why some people are more prone to developing PTSD.

Full Citation: 
Karsten CA and Baram TZ. (2013, Aug 15). How does a neuron “know” to modulate its epigenetic machinery in response to early-life environment/experience? Frontiers in Molecular Psychiatry, 4:89. doi: 10.3389/fpsyt.2013.00089

How does a neuron “know” to modulate its epigenetic machinery in response to early-life environment/experience?


Carley A. Karsten [1,2] and Tallie Z. Baram [1,2]
1. Department of Anatomy and Neurobiology, University of California-Irvine, Irvine, CA, USA
2. Department of Pediatrics, University of California-Irvine, Irvine, CA, USA
ABSTRACT

Exciting information is emerging about epigenetic mechanisms and their role in long-lasting changes of neuronal gene expression. Whereas these mechanisms are active throughout life, recent findings point to a critical window of early postnatal development during which neuronal gene expression may be persistently “re-programed” via epigenetic modifications. However, it remains unclear how the epigenetic machinery is modulated. Here we focus on an important example of early-life programing: the effect of sensory input from the mother on expression patterns of key stress-related genes in the developing brain. We focus on the lasting effects of this early-life experience on corticotropin-releasing hormone (CRH) gene expression in the hypothalamus, and describe recent work that integrates organism-wide signals with cellular signals that in turn impact epigenetic regulation. We describe the operational brain networks that convey sensory input to CRH-expressing cells, and highlight the resulting “re-wiring” of synaptic connectivity to these neurons. We then move from intercellular to intracellular mechanisms, speculating about the induction, and maintenance of lifelong CRH repression provoked by early-life experience. Elucidating such pathways is critical for understanding the enduring links between experience and gene expression. In the context of responses to stress, such mechanisms should contribute to vulnerability or resilience to post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and other stress-related disorders.

Introduction

Neuronal gene expression is amenable to re-programing by environment and experience (13). The neuroendocrine stress axis is influenced by environment and experience during early postnatal development, and these changes endure. For example, maternal-derived sensory input is critical for setting the tone of the hypothalamus-pituitary-adrenal (HPA) axis for life via changes in the expression of glucocorticoid receptor (GR) in the hippocampus and of hypothalamic corticotropin-releasing hormone (CRH). High levels, or predictable bouts, of maternal-derived sensory stimulation result in an attenuated stress response and resilience to stress (4, 5). In contrast, early-life stress causes adults to exhibit augmented stress responses and cognitive impairments, associated with changes in expression of CRH and GR (68). Recently, it has been proposed that it is the patterns of maternal care that contribute crucially to the perception of stress early in life, and to the subsequent modulation of brain function. Thus, chaotic, fragmented sensory inputs from the mother influence neuronal networks involved in stress for the life of the animal in a direction opposite to that of predictable and consistent patterns (9). Thus, an important common basis may exist for both the beneficial and the adverse consequences of early-life experiences: the pattern of sensory input onto the developing brain might constitute an important parameter that influences the function of stress-sensitive neurons throughout life.

It is suspected that the endurance of the effects of sensory input during this critical period derives from activation of epigenetic mechanisms leading to changes in gene expression that are maintained throughout the lifetime. Here we review the neuroanatomical and molecular pathways bridging sensory input on a whole-brain scale with gene expression programing after distinct early-life experiences. We discuss the implications of these processes to post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD).

Epigenetics and Early-Life Experience

The nature of epigenetic mechanisms is amply discussed throughout this collection of papers, and will not be described in detail here. Epigenetics offers an enticing explanation for how relatively brief sensory experiences may lead to long-lasting changes in neuronal function. Indeed, changes in components of chromatin, including DNA methylation or histone modifications have been examined after early-life experience, and found in several key genes involved in regulation of the HPA axis [GR, (10); CRH, (11); arginine vasopressin, (12)]. Here we focus on the lasting repression of CRH in hypothalamic neurons that results from positive maternal care early in life (13). This finding has been confirmed by numerous subsequent studies (4, 5). We focus on the CRH gene both as an important regulator of the stress response (14) and as a likely contributor to the phenotype engendered by nurturing early-life maternal signals, because modulation of CRH function through blocking of CRH receptor type 1 recapitulated the effects of augmented maternal care in non-nurtured pups (15). A second reason for a focus on the CRH gene is its use as a “marker” gene: the reliable detection of CRH repression after augmented maternal care suggests that understanding the mechanism that represses CRH expression enduringly might provide a key to understanding general processes that influence expression programs involving numerous other genes as well. Finally, in the context of the current review, a significant body of literature has implicated aberrant expression and central (CSF) release of CRH in the pathophysiology of PTSD (1619).

How Does a CRH-Expressing Neuron Know to Modulate CRH Gene Expression?

Corticotropin-releasing hormone gene expression is regulated by transcription factors, and these in turn are activated by signals that reach the nucleus from the membrane, and often involve calcium signaling (20). Synaptic input onto the CRH-expressing neuron includes a number of neurotransmitters, of which glutamate constitutes a major excitatory input (21). Indeed, glutamatergic signaling in the PVN is necessary for the initiation of the endocrine stress response, and glutamate receptor agonists delivered to the PVN drive CRH release (22, 23). Recent research has revealed that early-life augmented care leads to a transient reduction in the number and function of glutamatergic synapses to CRH neurons in the PVN (11). Using several methods (immunohistochemistry, electron microscopy, and electrophysiology), Korosi et al. discovered that (1) the number of glutamatergic terminals abutting CRH-positive neurons was reduced, (2) the number of asymmetric, putative excitatory terminal boutons onto CRH neurons was reduced, and (3) the frequency of spontaneous excitatory postsynaptic currents to PVN neurons was dramatically reduced (Figure 1). The same measures were taken in the thalamus and yielded no changes. Similarly, there were no changes in markers of inhibitory transmission. Together these data strongly support the notion that augmented maternal care reduces excitatory drive to the CRH-expressing neuron in the PVN.
FIGURE 1 
 
Figure 1. Augmented early-life experience reduces the number and function of excitatory synapses in the paraventricular nucleus of the hypothalamus (PVN). (A) Total number of synapses was reduced by 50%, attributable to a 70% reduction of asymmetric (excitatory) synapses onto CRH-expressing neurons in the PVN. (B) Levels of the vesicular transporter vGlut2, a marker of glutamate-containing synaptic vesicles, were reduced by approximately 40% in rats with augmented early-life experience relative to controls. (C) Miniature excitatory postsynaptic currents (mEPSC) frequency was reduced by 60% in putative CRH neurons. Adapted from Ref. (11) with permission from the Journal of Neuroscience.
Whereas the correlation between reduction in excitation and reduction of CRH expression is suggestive, it does not answer the question of causality: is reduced glutamatergic input to a CRH cell required and sufficient to repress CRH? To address this question, in vitro methods have been initiated, with the use of organotypic hypothalamic slice cultures to isolate the PVN. In this system, application of glutamate receptor antagonists (blocking both AMPA- and NMDA-type receptors) can effectively eliminate ionotropic glutamatergic transmission. Pilot data suggests that this manipulation may suffice to repress CRH mRNA levels compared to vehicle-treated controls (24). These initial findings are consistent with the notion that augmented maternal care reduces excitatory drive to the PVN, which in turn leads to reduced CRH mRNA production.

How Does the Sensory Signal from Maternal Care Reach the PVN and Serve to Reduce Excitatory Synapse Number and Function?

Maternal input to her progeny consists of a variety of stimuli, among which sensory stimuli and especially touch (licking, grooming) appear to be the most important (2527). Levine’s group demonstrated that augmented HPA responses to stress caused by 24 h maternal deprivation could be prevented by stroking the pups, highlighting the importance of tactile stimulation to normal development of HPA activity (28). Using brain-mapping methods, the pathways through which these signals reach the PVN have been identified (29).

Glutamate-specific retrograde tracing revealed that excitatory afferents terminating in the PVN originate in the paraventricular thalamus (PVT), lateral septum, bed nucleus of the stria terminalis (BNST), and amygdala (30). The BNST integrates and relays signals from the limbic forebrain and amygdala and provides both inhibitory and excitatory drive to the PVN. Specifically, posterior sub-regions inhibit stress-induced CRH expression in the PVN, whereas anterior regions facilitate it (31). The central nucleus of the amygdala (CeA), important for integration of autonomic inputs, facilitates CRH release from the PVN (Figure 2), likely via the BNST (32,33).
FIGURE 2 
 
Figure 2. Proposed circuitry involved in conveying maternal-derived sensory input to CRH-expressing neurons in the PVN. The PVN receives excitatory and inhibitory projections, including projections from the amygdala, paraventricular thalamic nucleus (PVT), and bed nucleus of the stria terminalis (BNST). These regions are also interconnected by excitatory projections (solid black lines). (A) The amygdala and BNST are both activated after a single day of handling-evoked augmented maternal care, and in turn stimulate the PVN (29). (B) The PVT is not activated after a single day of augmented maternally derived sensory input, but is recruited by recurrent daily barrages. This is thought to activate regions of the BNST that inhibit CRH-expressing neurons in the PVN (31). It is not fully known how this series of events promotes reduced numbers of excitatory synapses on CRH-expressing neurons.
Importantly, both the CeA and BNST are activated by maternal care. Handling rat pups evokes a burst of nurturing behavior (licking and grooming) by the dam upon the pups’ return to the home cage. A single instance of handling results in c-fos activation in both BNST and CeA (29), yet did not influence CRH expression. In contrast, recurrent handling for a week, which led to repression of CRH expression, was associated with c-fos activation also within the PVT (29). This suggests that the contribution of the PVT to the overall circuit that conveys maternal signals to the CRH cells in the PVN is important to reduce the expression of the gene. The PVT has been shown to play an important role in stress memory and adaptation (34, 35). The PVT sends afferents to the PVN, and possesses bidirectional connections with the CeA and BNST (36). Considering that the majority of PVT output to the structures described above are excitatory, how might PVT activation result in repression of the PVN? Here, we speculate that activation of the PVT might excite BNST regions that are known to inhibit CRH expression in the PVN (Figure 2).

Initiation vs. Maintenance of Epigenetic Repression of CRH by Early-Life Experience

When considering the changes in gene expression that occur after augmented maternal care, it is important to note two key differences in timing. Repression of CRH begins around postnatal day 9 and persists through adulthood, while changes in glutamatergic signaling to the PVN were noted only at P9 and were back to control levels by P45 (11). This suggests that following the initiation signal mediated by reduction of glutamatergic signaling, there may be additional factors that are involved in maintaining the repression of gene expression that persists long past the initiating signal. Such factors are likely to be epigenetic in nature.

A likely suspect is the neuronal repressor neuron restrictive silencer factor (NRSF). NRSF is a transcription factor that silences gene expression via epigenetic modifications. The CRH intron contains a functional NRSF binding sequence (37), suggesting that the programing of the crh gene during early postnatal life may be due to NRSF activity. In fact, NRSF levels in the PVN are dramatically upregulated following augmented maternal care, starting at P9 and persisting into adulthood (11). This pattern is an inverse correlate of CRH expression levels following augmented maternal care, supporting the idea that NRSF may be involved in mediating CRH repression.

Implications for PTSD

Post-traumatic stress disorder is often associated with a history of early-life trauma (19, 3840), and more specifically with chronic stressful situations such as abuse and long-lasting war rather than an acute event (4147). PTSD is characterized by a persistently dysregulated stress response (19, 48, 49), and it is reasonable to assume that chronic early-life stressful events influences an individual’s stress response to promote PTSD. There are several processes that might account for altered stress responses in PTSD. It has been posited that the hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal axis is permanently sensitized by chronic early-life abuse, and this creates a vulnerability to subsequent trauma, resulting in PTSD. However, the mechanism of such sensitization is unclear. Here we provide a novel and plausible solution: if chronic early-life predictable and nurturing maternal care can reduce excitatory synaptic input onto stress-sensitive neurons in the hypothalamus, and hence “desensitize” future stress responses, then might abusive, erratic, or neglectful maternal behavior provoke the opposite? Augmentation of excitatory input to hypothalamic CRH cells may well serve to sensitize CRH release to future stresses. Whereas this notion is speculative at this point, it is highly amenable to direct testing in animal models. A second possible basis of the abnormal stress response in PTSD that follows early-life chronic stress/abuse may include aberrant regulation of the expression of relevant genes, such as CRH. Here we provide insight into how early-life experience – nurturing or adverse – can result in persistently altered regulation of CRH expression. The lifelong changes in CRH release and expression that result from chronic early-life experiences may provide the neurobiological basis for resilience or vulnerability to subsequent stress, and hence to the development of PTSD.

Conflict of Interest Statement

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.
Acknowledgments

The excellent editorial assistance of Mrs. Barbara Cartwright is appreciated. Authors’ research has been supported by NIH grants NS28912; MH73136 NS 45260 (CM Gall, PI). 
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