Seymour Hersh: Secret U.S. Forces Carried Out Assassinations in 'a Lot of' Countries, Including in Latin America
Amy Goodman: Pulitzer Prize-winning investigative journalist Seymour Hersh created a stir last month when he said the Bush administration ran an executive assassination ring that reported directly to Vice President Dick Cheney. Hersh made the comment during a speech at the University of Minnesota on March 10th.
Seymour Hersh: Congress has no oversight of it. It's an executive assassination wing, essentially. And it's been going on and on and on. And just today in the Times there was a story saying that its leader, a three-star admiral named McRaven, ordered a stop to certain activities because there were so many collateral deaths. It's been going in -- under President Bush's authority, they've been going into countries, not talking to the ambassador or to the CIA station chief, and finding people on a list and executing them and leaving.Amy Goodman: Yesterday, CNN interviewed Dick Cheney's former national security adviser, John Hannah. Wolf Blitzer asked Hannah about Sy Hersh's claim.
Wolf Blitzer: Is there a list of terrorists, suspected terrorists out there who can be assassinated?John Hannah: There is clearly a group of people that go through a very extremely well-vetted process, inter-agency process, as I think was explained in your piece, that have committed acts of war against the United States, who are at war with the United States, or are suspected of planning operations of war against the United States, who authority is given to the troops in the field and in certain war theaters to capture or kill those individuals. That is certainly true.Wolf Blitzer: And so, this would be, and from your perspective -- and you worked in the Bush administration for many year-- it would be totally constitutional, totally legal, to go out and find these guys and to whack 'em.John Hannah: There's no question that in a theater of war, when we are at war, and we know -- there's no doubt, we are still at war against al-Qaeda in Iraq, al-Qaeda in Afghanistan and on that Pakistani border, that our troops have the authority to go after and capture and kill the enemy, including the leadership of the enemy.Amy Goodman: That's John Hannah, Dick Cheney's former national security adviser. Seymour Hersh joins me now here in Washington, D.C., staff writer for The New Yorker magazine. His latest article appears in the current issue, called "Syria Calling: The Obama Administration's Chance to Engage in a Middle East Peace."
OK, welcome to Democracy Now!, Sy Hersh. It was good to see you last night at Georgetown. Talk about, first, these comments you made at the University of Minnesota.
Seymour Hersh: Well, it was sort of stupid of me to start talking about stuff I haven't written. I always kick myself when I do it. But I was with Walter Mondale, the former vice president, who was being amazingly open and sort of, for him -- he had come a long way … since I knew him as a senator who was reluctant to oppose the Vietnam War. And so, I was asked about future things, and I just -- I am looking into stuff. I've done -- there's really nothing I said at Minnesota I haven't written in the (New Yorker). Last summer, I wrote a long article about the Joint Special Operations Command.
And just to go back to what John Hannah, who … I think ended up being the senior national security adviser, almost -- if not the chief of staff, deputy chief of staff for Dick Cheney in the last three or four years, what he said is simply that, yes, we go after people suspected -- that was the word he used -- of crimes against America. And I have to tell you that there's an executive order, signed by Jerry Ford, President Ford, in the '70s, forbidding such action. It's not only contrary -- it's illegal, it's immoral, it's counterproductive.
The problem with having military go kill people when they're not directly in combat, these are asking American troops to go out and find people and, as you said earlier, in one of the statements I made that you played, they go into countries without telling any of the authorities, the American ambassador, the CIA chief, certainly nobody in the government that we're going into, and it's far more than just in combat areas. There's more -- at least a dozen countries, and perhaps more. The President has authorized these kinds of actions in the Middle East and also in Latin America, I will tell you, Central America, some countries. They've been -- our boys have been told they can go and take the kind of executive action they need, and that's simply -- there's no legal basis for it.
And not only that, if you look at Guantanamo, the American government knew by -- well, let's see, Guantanamo opened in early 2002. "Gitmo," they call it, the base down in Cuba for alleged al-Qaeda terrorists. An internal report that I wrote about in a book I did years ago, an internal report made by the summer of 2002, estimated that at least half and possibly more of those people had nothing to do with actions against America. The intelligence we have is often very fragmentary, not very good. And the idea that the American president would think he has the constitutional power or the legal right to tell soldiers not engaged in immediate combat to go out and find people based on lists and execute them is just amazing to me. It's amazing to me.
And not only that, Amy, the thing about George Bush is, everything's sort of done in plain sight. In his State of the Union address, I think January the 28th, 2003, about a month and a half before we went into Iraq, Bush was describing the progress in the war, and he said -- I'm paraphrasing, but this is pretty close -- he said that we've captured more than 3,000 members of al-Qaeda and suspected members, people suspected of operations against us. And then he added with that little smile he has, "And let me tell you, some of those people will not be able to ever operate again. I can assure you that. They will not be in a position." He's clearly talking about killing people, and to applause.
So, there we are. I don't back off what I said. I wish I hadn't said it ad hoc, because, like I hope we're going to talk about in a minute, I spend a lot of time writing stories for The New Yorker, and they're very carefully vetted, and sometimes when you speak off the top, you're not as precise.
Amy Goodman: Explain what the Joint Special Operations Command is and what oversight Congress has of it.
Seymour Hersh: Well, it's a special unit. We have something called the Special Operations Command that operates out of Florida, and it involves a lot of wings. And one of the units that work under the umbrella of the Special Operations Command is known as Joint Special Op -- JSOC. It's a special unit. What makes it so special, it's a group of elite people that include Navy Seals, some Navy Seals, Delta Force -- what we call our black units, the commando units. "Commando" is a word they don't like, but that's what we, most of us, refer to them as. And they promote from within. It's a unit that has its own promotion structure. And one of the elements, I must tell you, about getting ahead in promotion is the number of kills you have. Of course. Because it's basically devised -- it's been transmogrified, if you will, into this unit that goes after high-value targets.
And where Cheney comes in and the idea of an assassination ring -- I actually said "wing," but of an assassination wing -- that reports to Cheney was simply that they clear lists through the Vice President's office. He's not sitting around picking targets. They clear the lists. And he's certainly deeply involved, less and less as time went on, of course, but in the beginning very closely involved. And this is the elite unit. I think they do three-month tours. And last summer, I wrote a long article in The New Yorker, last July, about how the JSOC operation is simply not available, and there's no information provided by the executive to Congress.
Amy Goodman: What countries, Sy Hersh -- what countries are they operating in?
Seymour Hersh: A lot of countries.
Amy Goodman: Name some.
Seymour Hersh: No, because I haven't written about it, Amy. And I will tell you, as I say, in Central America, it's far more than just the areas that Mr. Hannah talked about -- Afghanistan, Iraq. You can understand an operation like this in the heat of battle in Iraq, killing, I mean, taking out enemy. That's war. But when you go into other countries -- let's say Yemen, let's say Peru, let's say Colombia, let's say Eritrea, let's say Madagascar, let's say Kenya, countries like that -- and kill people who are believed on a list to be al-Qaeda or al-Qaeda-linked or anti-American, you're violating most of the tenets.
We're a country that believes very much in due process. That's what it's all about. We don't give the President of United States the right to tell military people, even in a war -- and it's a war against an idea, war against terrorism. It's not as if we're at war against a committed uniformed enemy. It's a very complicated war we're in. And with each of those actions, of course, there's always collateral deaths, and there's always more people ending up becoming our enemies. That's the tragedy of Guantanamo. By the time people, whether they were with us or against us when they got there, by the time they've been there three or four months, they're dangerous to us, because of the way they've been treated …
Amy Goodman: One question: Is the assassination wing continuing under President Obama?
Seymour Hersh: How do I know? I hope not.
Offering multiple perspectives from many fields of human inquiry that may move all of us toward a more integrated understanding of who we are as conscious beings.
Tuesday, March 31, 2009
Amy Goodman at Democracy Now! Talks to Seymour Hersh
Jonah Lehrer - Scientists Map the Brain, Gene by Gene
Read the rest of the article.Scientists Map the Brain, Gene by Gene
The human brain is surprisingly bloody. I've worked in neuroscience labs, and I'm used to seeing brains that are stored in glass jars filled with formaldehyde, the preserved tissue a lifeless gray. But this brain—removed from a warm body just a few hours ago—looks bruised, its folds stained purple. Blood drips from the severed stem, forming puddles on the stainless steel table.
I'm in the dissection room of the Allen Institute for Brain Science in Seattle, and the scientist next to me is in a hurry: His specimen—this fragile cortex—is falling apart. Dying, the gray matter turns acidic and begins to eat away at itself; nucleic acids unravel, cell membranes dissolve. He takes a thin, sterilized knife and slices into the tissue with disconcerting ease. I'm reminded of Jell-O and guillotines and the meat counter at the supermarket. He saws repeatedly until the brain is reduced to a series of thin slabs, which are then photographed and rushed to a freezer. All that remains is a pool of blood, like the scene of a crime.
Behind all the gore there's a profound purpose: The scientists here are mapping the brain. And while conventional brain maps describe distinct anatomical areas, like the frontal lobes and the hippocampus—many of which were first outlined in the 19th century—the Allen Brain Atlas seeks to describe the cortex at the level of specific genes and individual neurons. Slices of tissue containing billions of brain cells will be analyzed to see which snippets of DNA are turned on in each cell.
If the institute succeeds, its maps will help scientists decipher the function of the thousands of genes that help produce the human brain. (Although the Human Genome Project was completed more than five years ago, scientists still have little idea which genes are used to make the brain, let alone where in the brain they are expressed.) For the first time, it will be possible to understand how such a complex object is assembled from a basic four-letter code.
"The maps of the brain we currently have are like those antique maps people used to draw of the New World," says Allan Jones, chief scientific officer at the Allen Institute. "We can see the crude outlines of the structure, but we have no idea what's happening on the inside." Jones is in charge of making sure the atlas gets finished. He wears starched button-up shirts and crisply pleated khakis, and he looks like the kind of guy who has a drawer full of bow ties. "Studying the brain now is like trying to navigate a vast city without any driving instructions," he says. "You don't know where you are, and you have no idea how to find what you're looking for."
Author Jonah Lehrer spoke at San Francisco's Commonwealth Club on February 19, 2009 about the black box of the human mind.For more from FORA.tv, visit wired.com/video.When the project is completed in 2012, at an expected cost of $55 million, its data sets will list the roughly 20,000 genes that, switched on in the exact right place at the exact right time, give rise to this self-aware tangle of neurons. And because the vast majority of mental illnesses and disorders, from schizophrenia to autism, have a significant genetic component, scientists at the institute hope that the atlas will eventually lead to new methods of diagnosis and more effective medical treatments. To map the brain is to map its afflictions.
This enterprise is unique in one other respect: scale. "People ask me why we didn't start with a more modest goal, like trying to map some small brain area," Jones says. "The point of doing the whole brain, though, is that it allows us to really develop theories about how the brain works. Sometimes, the only way to make sense of a complex system is to be systematic."
To achieve this, the Allen Institute reimagined the scientific process. There was no grand hypothesis, or even a semblance of theory. The researchers just wanted the data, and, given the amount needed, it quickly became apparent that the work couldn't be done by hand. So, shortly after the institute was founded in 2003, Jones and his team started thinking about how to industrialize the experimental process. While modern science remains, for the most part, a field of artisans—scientists performing their own experiments at their own benches—the atlas required a high-throughput model, in which everything would be done on an efficient assembly line. Thanks to a team of new laboratory robots, what would have taken a thousand technicians several years can now be accomplished in less than 20 months.
The institute can produce more than a terabyte of data per day. (In comparison, the 3 billion base pairs in the human genome can fit in a text file that's only 3 gigabytes.) And the project is just getting started.
Preparing a fresh specimen for analysis.
Photo: David ClugstonIn March 2002, Paul Allen—cofounder of Microsoft and 41st-richest person in the world—brought together a dozen neuroscientists for a three-day meeting aboard his 300-foot yacht, Tatoosh, which was anchored in Nassau, Bahamas. At the time, Allen's philanthropic work consisted of an eclectic (some say frivolous) set of endeavors. There was the Experience Music Project in Seattle, a rock-and-roll museum designed by Frank Gehry; the Allen Telescope Array, 350 radio telescopes dedicated to deep-space observation and the search for extraterrestrial life; and SpaceShipOne, the first privately funded plane developed to put a human in space. But Allen was eager to start something new: a project involving neuroscience. He was excited by the sheer uncharted mystery of the mind—one of the last, great scientific frontiers—hoping a single large-scale endeavor could transform the field.
"I first got interested in the brain through computers," Allen says. "There's a long history of artificial intelligence programs that try to mimic what the brain is doing, but they've all fallen short. Here's this incredible computer, a really astonishing piece of engineering, and we have no idea how it works."
Over several days, Allen asked the neuroscientists to imagine a way to move their field forward dramatically. "I wanted them to think big," he says. "Like the Human Genome Project, only for the brain." Some advocated focusing on a single disease, like Alzheimer's. Others argued for more investment in brain imaging technology. But a consensus emerged that what neuroscience most needed was a map, a vast atlas of gene expression that would reconcile the field's disparate experimental approaches. It's not that scientists don't know a lot about the brain—it's that they have no idea how it all fits together.
Today, you can measure the electrical activity of individual neurons, which involves plunging a microelectrode into the tissue and hoping to find an interesting cell. You can image the brain in an fMRI machine and isolate the areas that are active during certain types of mental activity. Or you can use the tools of molecular biology and study specific kinase enzymes, synaptic proteins, or RNA splices.
The problem with this multiplicity of techniques is that they fail to explain how the brain's essential elements—the wet stuff, the genetic text, the electric loom of cells—conspire to create a sentient piece of matter. Allen decided that what neuroscience needed was a tool to help get beyond these obsolete boundaries. "It became apparent to me that there were lots of scientists studying their own little area of brain, pursuing these very specific questions," he says. "But I wanted to develop something that would focus on making these crosscutting connections, so that everybody in the field could benefit."
Say, for instance, someone is investigating the anatomy of autism. The scientist has done an fMRI study that reveals abnormalities in a cortical area in autistic subjects—a bit of brain is not functioning properly—and this might help explain the symptoms of the disease. But now what? The problem has been isolated, but at a very abstract level. The research has hit a dead end.
Meanwhile, another scientist is looking at autism from a very different perspective, conducting large-scale genetic studies that identify a few of the fragments of DNA associated with the disease. (Autism is one of the most heritable psychiatric disorders.) The problem with these efforts is that they often highlight obscure genes that haven't been studied. Nobody knows what these genes do, or whether they're even expressed in the brain. As a result, the research stalls and it remains completely unclear how this genetic defect might lead to the particular problems seen in the fMRIs.
But now imagine that this scientist has access to the Allen atlas. By looking at the map, he should be able to quickly see whether any of the genes known to be associated with autism—several have already been identified—are expressed in the brain areas that appear abnormal in the fMRI scans. This means that the disease can be pinpointed at a very precise level, reduced to a few dysfunctional circuits expressing the wrong set of genes. "That's what having a huge database lets you do," Allen says. "It becomes a tool that will really accelerate the pace of research." Such a map can also help neuroscientists better target their genetic searches. Instead of looking at every gene expressed in the brain—according to the institute's research, that may include nearly 80 percent of the human genome—they can focus only on those that are present in the relevant brain areas.
Then there's the mystery of the developing brain. How does something so complex manage to build itself? The Allen Institute is also measuring genetic expression in the mouse brain, from embryo to adult, to explore how the orchestra of genes is switched on and off in different areas during development. Which snippets of DNA transform the hippocampus into a center of long-term memory? Which make the amygdala a warehouse of fear and anxiety? "One of the things I've come to appreciate about the brain is the importance of location," Allen says. "It's not just a set of interchangeable parts that you can swap in and out. These brain areas are all so distinct, and for reasons we can finally begin to understand."
How To Meditate I - What is Meditation
First (of six) in a series of videos on how to practice meditation without the requirement of religious dogma or spiritual mumbo-jumbo. This video discusses both the meaning of meditation and the foundations of meditation practice.
Integral Life - The Need for Integral Spirituality
The Need for Integral Spirituality
From Paths of Belief to Paths of Liberation
With so many currents of religion available to us today, the need to understand these varying types of religious orientations becomes increasingly important if we are to successfully navigate our own spiritual development. Ken Wilber describes the differences between esoteric and exoteric religion and offers an experiment to show us the face of God, our own original face, and the need for an Integral Spirituality.
Mindfulness Based Stress Reduction for Iraq Vets with PTSD
Video About Our Study of Mindfulness Based Stress Reduction for Iraq Vets with PTSD
This is a video on local TV news in Atlanta about our research study on teaching Mindfulness Based Stress Reduction (MBSR) to returning Iraq vets with PTSD with our star Donny.
Monday, March 30, 2009
Satoshi Kanazawa - Is Aaron Sorkin better than Shakespeare?
This is about theory of mind ("we are capable of inferring the mental states of others and understanding that such mental states of others may be different from our own; we are capable of understanding that other people may possess knowledge different from ours"), and the complexity we can hold in levels of theory of mind - very cool. Sorkin appears to hold a supreme ability to deal in complexity.
Here is the last two-thirds of the post.
Satoshi Kanazawa - Is Aaron Sorkin better than Shakespeare?
According to studies conducted by the Oxford evolutionary psychologist Robin I. M. Dunbar, most humans are limited to fourth-order theory of mind or what Dunbar calls fifth-order intentionality, including the intentionality of the focal actor (I know that you know that Casey knows that Dan knows that Natalie knows it), and not higher. Dunbar further argues that good writers like Shakespeare are rare, because complex dramas like Othello often require the writer to possess a fifth-order theory of mind (or sixth-order intentionality), which is beyond the cognitive capacity of most humans. For example, Shakespeare as the writer must intend that the audience believes that Iago intends that Othello supposes that Desdemona loves Casio, who in fact loves Bianca. Coming up with this plot, Dunbar contends, is beyond the cognitive capacity of most humans, which is why, when faced with Shakespearean plays, many of us have the natural reaction “How can a human being have written that?”
I feel the same way about Aaron Sorkin. I am a fan of Sorkin, despite the fact that I have not seen a single episode of The West Wing (because I hate politics). I have only seen Sports Night and Studio 60 on the Sunset Strip (and the movies Malice and The American President, despite the latter being partly about politics). Sorkin’s true genius shines through at the end of the first season of Sports Night, with a plot involving how Dana and Gordon break off their engagement. (I normally hate spoilers, and do my best not to reveal the ending of any plot. But since it’s been nearly a decade since the show went off the air, I assume that, if you haven’t seen it already, you probably never will. If, on the other hand, you are looking forward to catching Sports Night on a rerun or on a DVD, then please stop reading now.)
Dana is currently dating and is now engaged to Gordon, even though she’s secretly in love with Casey. Casey, even though he is secretly in love with Dana, is carrying on a clandestine affair with Dana’s rival Sally. Nobody knows about Casey and Sally. One day Casey discovers that Gordon slept with Sally. How does he discover it? One night Casey leaves his shirt behind in Sally’s apartment, and later catches Gordon wearing his shirt by mistake. If Casey tells Dana that Gordon slept with Sally, she might break off her engagement to him, which Casey would want, but he doesn’t want to tell Dana, because, in order to do so, he would have to admit that he is sleeping with Sally.
So, instead, Casey tells his best friend Dan but swears him to secrecy. Dan nonetheless tells Dana’s best friend Natalie, and Natalie tells Dana. Dana confronts Gordon, who then admits to his affair with Sally. Dana quickly forgives Gordon, but then gets very upset when she learns that Casey found out about Gordon’s affair with Sally because Casey himself is sleeping with Sally. Gordon subsequently breaks off the engagement to Dana, because she was more upset that Casey slept with Sally than that Gordon slept with Sally. We later learn that it was all Casey’s plan. He told Dan, knowing that he would be compelled to tell Natalie and Natalie would tell Dana. This way, he could break up Dana’s engagement to Gordon without him having to do anything himself.
When I think of this whole plot, I think “How can a human being have written that?” There are many examples of higher-order theory of mind here, but here’s one example: Sorkin intends that the audience believes that Casey intends that Dan is compelled to tell Natalie, who in turn is compelled to tell Dana, who now knows that Gordon kept a secret about sleeping with Sally. That’s sixth-order theory of mind or seventh-order intentionality, far beyond the cognitive capacity of most humans, and even beyond the complexity of the plot of Shakespeare’s Othello! The plot of Sorkin’s movie Malice is also equally complex.
Is Aaron Sorkin better than Shakespeare? I don’t know. But Sorkin does appear to possess a higher-order theory of mind which escapes most mortals.
Buddhist Geeks Episode 115: The Buddha Didn't Have a Credit Card
Episode 115: The Buddha Didn't Have a Credit Card
Insight Meditation teacher, Diana Winston, joins us to discuss an extremely relevant topic: Buddhism & Money. We explore whether or not spirituality and money are incompatible (as they are often seen) and if not how they might go together.
Diana shares with us some of the original, though not so well known, teachings that the historical Buddha gave on money. She also discusses why both Buddhist teachers and practitioners should work with money and become familiar with it, and reconts her own journey with spiritual practice and money and how she has been able to bring the two together.
The Psych Files - Episode 90: The Learning Styles Myth: An Interview with Daniel Willingham
Episode 90: The Learning Styles Myth: An Interview with Daniel Willingham
by Michael on March 29, 2009
Podcast: Play in new window
Guess what? There’s no such thing as "learning style" (the theory that each of us has a preferred way to learn new ideas. There are many supposed kinds of learning styles, such as a visual learning style, an auditory style, kinesthetic, etc.). Don’t believe it? Neither did I at first. I was sure for a long time that I personally had a visual learning style. Now I’m not so sure anymore. Listen to this interview with professor and author Daniel Willingham as he and I discuss the topic of learning styles. If there is no scientific support for learning styles then whey do we believe they must exist? We also discuss multiple intelligences. While there is support for this idea, many people are confused as to what Howard Gardner really says about his own theory. Let’s see if we can set the record straight about learning styles, abilities, and intelligences in this episode of The Psych Files.
Resources for this Episode
- Here is a link to professor Daniel Willingham’s website where you can download many of his articles on teaching and learning.
- Dr. Willlingham’s column Ask the Cognitive Psychologist can be found in the journal American Educator.
- An article by Steven Stahl entitled, “Different Strokes for Different Folks?” appeared in American Educator. This is an excellent review of the difficulties researchers have had with the various measures of learning styles (clicking the link will automatically download the full article).
- Professor Willingham and I briefly discussed the idea that learning facts is important. The controversy over this topic was sparked recently by the article, “Education 2.0: Never Memorize Again? in the blog Read/Write Web.
The role of confirmation bias in learning styles: you think you have a visual learning style, so you recall all the times you believe you learned something visually but you don’t recall the times you learned something auditorily, kinesthetically, etc. “It’s worth thinking about not matching the child’s supposed learning style to how they are supposed to learn, but rather think about the content and what is it about this content that I really want students to understand and what’s the best way to convey that.” - Dr. Willingham
Shrink Rap Radio #201 - Energy Psychiatry and Emotional Freedom with Judith Orloff, MD
#201 - Energy Psychiatry and Emotional Freedom with Judith Orloff, MD
A psychology podcast by David Van Nuys, Ph.D.
Judith Orloff, MD is an assistant clinical professor of Psychiatry at UCLA and author of the 2009 book, Emotional Freedom: Liberate Yourself from Negative Emotions and Transform Your Life. SPECIAL OFFER: Get 100 free gifts with purchase of book at http://www.drjudithorloff.com/emotional-freedom-promotion/. She has spoken at medical schools, hospitals, universities, the APA, Fortune Magazine’s Most Powerful Women Summit, and alternative and traditional health forums. She graduated USC School of Medicine, completed a four year psychiatric residency program at UCLA, and currently mentors UCLA medical students and psychiatry-residents-in-training. Her bestselling books include Positive Energy, Guide to Intuitive Healing, and Second Sight. Positive Energy is a national and Los Angeles Times bestseller which has been translated into 24 languages.
#201 - Energy Psychiatry and Emotional Freedom with Judith Orloff, MD [1:06:57m]: Hide Player | Play in Popup | Download
Sunday, March 29, 2009
New Scientist - 'Consciousness signature' discovered spanning the brain
Very cool article, which I may have already posted (can't remember). After two full days of neuroscience at the Psychotherapy Networker Conference in D.C., I have a new and better appreciation for the mystery of the brain. Whatever we think we know, it's all tentative when you listen to the experts.'Consciousness signature' discovered spanning the brain
- 00:00 17 March 2009 by Anil Ananthaswamy
Electrodes implanted in the brains of people with epilepsy might have resolved an ancient question about consciousness.
Signals from the electrodes seem to show that consciousness arises from the coordinated activity of the entire brain. The signals also take us closer to finding an objective "consciousness signature" that could be used to probe the process in animals and people with brain damage without inserting electrodes.
Previously it wasn't clear whether a dedicated brain area, or "seat of consciousness", was responsible for guiding our subjective view of the world, or whether consciousness was the result of concerted activity across the whole brain.
Probing the process has been a challenge, as non-invasive techniques such as magnetic resonance imaging and EEG give either spatial or temporal information but not both. The best way to get both simultaneously is to implant electrodes deep inside the skull, but it is difficult to justify this in healthy people for ethical reasons.
Brainy opportunity
Now neuroscientist Raphaël Gaillard of INSERM in Gif sur Yvette, France, and colleagues have taken advantage of a unique opportunity. They have probed consciousness in 10 people who had intercranial electrodes implanted for treating drug-resistant epilepsy.
While monitoring signals from these electrodes, Gaillard's team flashed words in front of the volunteers for just 29 milliseconds. The words were either threatening (kill, anger) or emotionally neutral (cousin, see).
The words were preceded and followed by visual "masks", which block the words from being consciously processed, or the masks following the words weren't used, meaning the words could be consciously processed. The volunteers had to press a button to indicate the nature of the word, allowing the researchers to confirm whether the volunteer was conscious of it or not.
Between the 10 volunteers, the researchers received information from a total of 176 electrodes, which covered almost the whole brain. During the first 300 milliseconds of the experiment, brain activity during both the non-conscious and conscious tasks was very similar, indicating that the process of consciousness had not kicked in. But after that, there were several types of brain activity that only occurred in the individuals who were aware of the words.
Lost seat
First, there was an increase in the voltage levels of the signals in their brains. Second, the frequency and phase of neurons firing in different parts of the brain seemed to synchronise. Then some of these synchronised signals appeared to be triggering others. For example, activity in the occipital lobe seemed to cause activity in the frontal lobe.
Because this activity only occurred in volunteers when they were aware of the words, Gaillard's team argue that it constitutes a consciousness signature. As much of this activity was spread across the brain, they say that consciousness has no single "seat". "Consciousness is more a question of dynamics, than of a local activity," says Gaillard.
Bernard Baars of the Neuroscience Institute in San Diego, California, who proposed a "global access" theory of consciousness in 1983 agrees: "I'm thrilled by these results."
He says they provide the "first really solid, direct evidence" for his own theory. He also says that having such a signature will make it easier to look for signs of consciousness in people with brain damage, infants and animals with the help of non-invasive techniques such as EEG.
Journal reference: PLoS Biology, DOI: 10.1371/journal.pbio.1000061
Katelyn Sack - YOU MAKE ME SICK: DOES MALADAPTIVE PSYCHOLOGY CAUSE AUTOIMMUNITY
YOU MAKE ME SICK: DOES MALADAPTIVE PSYCHOLOGY CAUSE AUTOIMMUNITY
By Katelyn SackOne of the most prominent environmental risk factors described for numerous diseases is chronic exposure to stressful situations. – “Chronic stress and individual vulnerability,” Schmidt MV, Sterlemann V, Müller MB, Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences, December 2008, 1148, 174-183.
Is it really true that autoimmune diseases become more active in response to stress? There are a handful of related but distinct faulty causal inferences about stress and illness in much of the literature on autoimmune disorders. From work on stressful life events and multiple sclerosis relapse (footnote 1), to reports of stress-related onset and exacerbations of Graves disease (footnote 2), negative weighting of major life events and lupus symptomatology (footnote 3), and psychological factors in sarcoidosis (footnote 4) , medical researchers conflate correlation with causation. The possible logical errors underlying this pervasive tendency are not mutually exclusive, and can be categorized as: (1) reverse causality, (2) factual and thus deterministic accounts of patient history, and (3) endogeneity bias.
First, it is well-established – if it ever needed positivist-style data compilation and analysis to be accepted as fact – that being sick is stressful (footnote 5). Getting a chronic illness diagnosed and treated takes time and money, and is not something most people would choose to have done for fun on the weekends – weekend after weekend, year after year. At the same time, it is also well-established that being stressed out can make you sick in the sense of making you more vulnerable to colds, flu, and running your car into the mailbox (footnote 6). Type A personalities are notoriously more likely to suffer heart attacks and strokes (footnote 7). Clearly the causal arrow can flow both ways when it comes to stress and illness. This means that, while reverse causality may be a significant problem in the literature on stress and autoimmune diseases, the error is actually one of indeterminacy. We just don’t know which way the arrow flows in general for autoimmune disorders, or how much it flows each way, or which comes first – the freaked-out chicken, or its seriously scrambled egg.
An easier error to call out definitively is that of deterministic patient history bias. “Factual framings produce searches for deterministic ‘what made it happen’ accounts of the past, whereas counterfactual framings produce searches for antideterministic accounts that keep pushing back the last possible moment when something else could have happened” (footnote 8). People crave meaning – making meaning is fundamentally what human beings do, be it through art, science, law, religion, or cookies – and we especially crave stories that make everything make sense. As a result of this drive to tell a coherent life story, nobody tells his or her own patient history with counterfactuals. (Okay, nobody who hasn’t got a book deal.) When we are down, perhaps we are more likely to attribute our downness to previous bouts of downness, so that the trend is coherent and logical. Rather than allowing for random error – admitting that we exist by an accident of fate, a lucky roll of the universal dice – perhaps we weave meaning by telling stories in which one life tragedy (major stressors such as crime, divorce, or relocation) causes another (illness). This is the Grand Unifying Theory of Self. It’s simplistic and linear. It’s comforting and comprehensible in a way that random error spelling life or death – to most people – is not. Alternately, maybe doctors themselves have a tendency to project doomed, deterministic histories onto the patients with diagnoses that are particularly difficult to identify and treat – to wit, folks with relatively rare and apparently multi-system, chronic illnesses such as MS, lupus, Graves, sarcoidosis, and the rest of the autoimmune gang. Maybe doctors as well as patients can fall prey to the very human need to make sense of the senseless, to order random error, and ultimately to find someone to blame, just to feel better.
A more obvious error still in the “stress causes autoimmunity” spiel is endogeneity bias (footnote 9). Among people with a family history of autoimmune illnesses, as well as among females, ethnic minorities, and poor people, there is generally more autoimmune illness. There is also more stress in these subgroups, because caring for sick family members is a form of unpaid labor that no society known to man compensates for (footnote 10). It is also notoriously stressful to not have a penis, to not be white, and to not have oodles of cash. Lo and behold, healthy people tend to hit the jackpot and people who hit the jackpot tend to be healthy (and then, if covariance is a valid way of drawing causal inferences, they all go out and buy a penis). I guess the world is a meritocracy after all. Quick, somebody tell all the toddlers in sub-Saharan African dying of diarrheal disease.
In conclusion, it’s certainly true that particular aspects of certain autoimmune diseases are associated with mental health problems like anxiety and depression. Iron-deficiency anemia in lupus, poor sleep quality in Graves disease, and impaired breathing in sarcoidosis are only a few examples of this. But in these instances, poor mental health is a direct effect of poor physical health. Subsequent spiraling via feedback loops tells us nothing about the etiology of autoimmunity as a potentially life-threatening disease process. Rather, it distracts medical care practitioners and social support systems alike when it is misinterpreted to suggest that illness is a choice.
Further research might seek to answer the medical anthropological questions of how this victim-blaming set of logical errors has come to permeate the rheumatology literature. Is it a result of patients with autoimmune diseases narrating histories in which their previous tragedies and/or recent changes in mental state caused or correlated with their illness patterns – and well-meaning, empathetic doctors simply listening well and believing them (footnote 11)? Or are there more nefarious forces at work here – are doctors and medical researchers following the herd mentality, exhibiting societal biases against women (who are far more likely than men to suffer autoimmunity), against minorities (who are more likely than Caucasians to have most autoimmune problems (footnote 12)), and against poor people (who are more likely to suffer from chronic health problems in general (footnote 13))? One thing is for sure: When it comes to the supposed causal relationship between psychological state and autoimmune flares, the only solid proof is all in their heads.
Footnotes:
1. “The impact of stressful life events on risk of relapse in women with multiple sclerosis: a prospective study,” Mitsonis CI, Zervas IM, Mitropoulos PA, Dimopoulos NP, Soldatos CR, Potagas CM, and Sfegos CA, European Psychiatry, Oct. 2008, 23 (7) 497-504.
2. “Psychosomatic concept of hyperthyroidism – Graves type – behavioral and biochemical characteristics,” Draganiæ-Gajiæ S, Leciæ-Tosevski D, Svrakiæ D, Paunovic VR, Cvejiæ V, and Cloninger R, Med Pregl., Jul-Aug 2008, 61 (7-8) 383-388; “Age and stress as determinants of the severity of hyperthyroidism caused by Graves’ disease in newly diagnosed patients,” Vos X, Smit N, Endert E, Brosschot J, Tijssen J, Wiersinga W, European Journal of Endocrinology, Oct. 30, 2008 (Epub ahead of print, accessed via PubMed); “A patient with stress-related onset and exacerbations of Graves disease,” Vita R, Lapa D, Vita G, Trimarchi F, Benvenga S, Nat. Clin. Pract. Endocrinol. Metab., Jan. 2009, 5 (1) 55-61.
3. “The role of stress in functional disability among women with systemic lupus erythematosus: a prospective study,” Da Costa D, Dobkin PL, Pinard L, Fortin PR, Danoff DS, Esdaile JM, and Clarke AE, Arthritis Care & Research, June 2001 12 (2) 112-119; “Stress, depression, and anxiety predict average symptom severity and daily symptom fluctuation in systemic lupus erythematosus,” Adams Jr. SG, Dammers PM, Saia TL, Brantley PJ, and Gaydos GR, Journal of Behavioral Medicine, July 2005, 17 (5) 459-477.
4. “Psychological factors in sarcoidosis: the relationship between life stress and pulmonary function,” Klonoff EA, Leinhenz ME, Sarcoidosis, September 1993, 10 (2) 118-124.
5. See, for, example: “Psychological Effects of Chronic Disease,” C Eiser, Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, Dec. 2006, 31 (1) 85-98; and “Toward a general model of health-related quality of life,” Romney DM and Evans DR, Quality of Life Research, December 2004, 5 (2) 235-241. To be fair, the second article “suggests that, although a medical model of HRQOL [health-related quality of life] may be more important when it comes to alleviating illness, a psychosocial model of HRQOL may be more important when it comes to maintaining health and preventing illness.”
6. By which I mean in no way to suggest that there is anything wrong with people who run into the mailbox, honey.
7. As genetics hurtles forward, however, even this au courant theory – commonly accepted as fact – may soon be disproven by the advancement of alternate explanations. For example, the recently discovered MYBPC3 variant is said to cause latent or active heart disease in tens of millions of Indians. If Indians are also disproportionately represented in human capital-intensive fields that require so-called Type A characteristics (like intelligence and organizational skills), then already the Type A story of heart disease has been thrown into question.
8. “Counterfactual Thought Experiments,” Tetlock PE and Parker G, in Unmaking the West: “What-if?” Scenarios that Rewrite World History, Tetlock PE, Lebow RN, and Parker G, Ed., citing Philip E. Tetlock and Richard Ned Lebow, “Poking Counterfactual Holes in Covering Laws: Cognitive Styles and Historical Reasoning,” American Political Science Review 95 (2001): 829-43.
9. Endogeneity bias is a logical flaw that pops up in a lot of social scientific and scientific research when the thing being studied has multiple characteristics of interest. For example, if you wanted to know whether gun ownership increased individual citizens’ chances of being murdered, and you studied victims of domestic violence who bought a gun because their partners had threatened to kill them, your research would suffer from a serious endogeneity bias. Your research subjects would be more likely to be murdered by their partners or former partners who had already threatened to do so, and so you wouldn’t be able to tell how their gun ownership affected their likelihood of getting killed as compared to the general population’s murder risk. In my current context of interest, endogeneity bias is at work when people who are already likelier to be operating under stressful conditions – say, African-American women caring for disabled family members while struggling to gain equal pay – are also found to be more likely to develop lupus than WASPy types whose healthy families have worked for the firm of Fancy, Schmancy & Hung for decades. Stress and lupus correlate in certain subgroups, and they may well covary; but those facts establish no causal relationship between the two variables.
10. And by man, I mean one ignorant American writer. If you are a country, and you will pay me to stay home researching my friends’ and family’s illnesses, call me.
11. I’m playing devil’s advocate here. For a few readers, I played it too well – I am emphatically not saying that sick people tend to blame their life histories for their illnesses. Personally, I think it’s obvious that medical researchers who engage in the blame-the-victim error of suggesting that maladaptive psychology causes autoimmunity are defending themselves from their own subconscious guilt at being healthy when others, by the luck of the draw, are not. Them’s sore winners.
12. But oh, what a tangled web we weave! Non-whites have higher rates of autoimmune diseases like lupus, but being racially discriminated against is in turn associated with having health problems. “It’s enough to make you sick: the impact of racism on the health of Aboriginal Australians,” Larson A, Gillies M, Howard PJ, Coffin J, Australian and New Zealand Journal of Public Health, August 2007, 31(4):322-9.
13. Poverty also correlates with increased exposures to environmental contaminants, decreased access to clean water and to safe and nutritious food, less preventive medical care, and other phenomena that translate into chronic disease. Since women and non-whites are also disproportionately likely to experience poverty, covariance is a problem six ways from Sunday.
Ari N. Schulman - Why Minds Are Not Like Computers
The human brain will never be mimicked by any kind of computers currently existing. It pains me every time I hear someone equate the brain with a computer and assume that we will create a computer that mimics the brain. This article refutes all that.Read the rest of the article.Why Minds Are Not Like Computers
When the blackbird flew out of sight,
It marked the edge
Of one of many circles.
—Wallace StevensPeople who believe that the mind can be replicated on a computer tend to explain the mind in terms of a computer. When theorizing about the mind, especially to outsiders but also to one another, defenders of artificial intelligence (AI) often rely on computational concepts. They regularly describe the mind and brain as the “software and hardware” of thinking, the mind as a “pattern” and the brain as a “substrate,” senses as “inputs” and behaviors as “outputs,” neurons as “processing units” and synapses as “circuitry,” to give just a few common examples.
Those who employ this analogy tend to do so with casual presumption. They rarely justify it by reference to the actual workings of computers, and they misuse and abuse terms that have clear and established definitions in computer science—established not merely because they are well understood, but because they in fact are products of human engineering. An examination of what this usage means and whether it is correct reveals a great deal about the history and present state of artificial intelligence research. And it highlights the aspirations of some of the luminaries of AI—researchers, writers, and advocates for whom the metaphor of mind-as-machine is dogma rather than discipline.
Conceptions of the ComputerBefore any useful discussion about artificial intelligence can proceed, it is important to first clarify some basic concepts. When the mind is compared to a computer, just what is it being compared to? How does a computer work?
Broadly speaking, a computer is a machine that can perform many different procedures rather than just one or a few. In computer parlance, a procedure is known as an algorithm—a set of distinct, well-defined steps. Suppose, for example, that you work in an office and your boss asks you to alphabetize the books on his shelf. There are many ways you could do it. For example, one approach would be to look through all of the books and find the first alphabetically (say, Aesop’s Fables), and swap it with the first book on the shelf. Then look through the remaining unsorted books again, find the next highest, and swap it with the book after Aesop’s Fables. Keep going until you have no unsorted books left. This procedure is known as “selection sort” because the approach is to select the highest unsorted book and put it with the sorted books.
The algorithmic approach, as this example shows, is to break up a problem into a series of simple steps, each of which requires little thought or effort. In this particular procedure, the number of specified steps is fairly small—but when you actually perform a selection sort to organize a bookshelf, the number of steps you execute will be much larger, because most of the steps are repeated for each book. The heart of most useful algorithms is repetition; selection sort accomplishes a task with one basic operation that, when performed over and over, completes the whole task. An algorithm doesn’t necessarily have to involve repetition, but any task performed on a large set of data usually will use such repeated steps, known as “loops.” Selection sort also has a well-defined start state (the unsorted shelf) and end state (the sorted shelf), which can be referred to as its input and output. Algorithms have a well-defined set of steps for transforming input to output, so anyone who executes an algorithm will perform the same steps, and an algorithm’s output for a given input will be the same every time it is executed (even so-called “randomized” algorithms are deterministic in practice).
Algorithms involve several forms of abstraction. First, an algorithm consists of clear specifications for what should be performed in each step, but not necessarily clear specifications for how. In essence, an algorithm takes a problem specifying what should be achieved and breaks it into smaller problems with simpler requirements for what should be achieved. An algorithm should specify steps simple enough that what becomes identical to how as far as the person or machine executing the algorithm is concerned. How specific the steps need to be in order for this identity to occur depends on the intelligence of the executor. Returning to the example of sorting your boss’s books, the step in which you select the highest unsorted book is more complex than, say, the one in which you pull that book off the shelf and swap it with another. For a highly intelligent sorter, how to execute this step may be self-evident; a less intelligent sorter may need the details spelled out (perhaps like this: write down the first unsorted title; for each remaining book, check its title; if it’s higher, cross it off and write it down instead, along with where it is on the shelf so you can quickly find it again). This routine can be considered a sub-procedure of the original algorithm.
Suppose you wanted to pay someone else to organize the books for you using selection sort. You could simply write the original few steps on a pad of paper in the level of detail at which they were first described. But when you include the step about “selecting the highest unsorted book,” since another person might not know how to do it, you could include the note “see page 2 for instructions on how to do this,” and then list the steps of this sub-routine on page 2. The intelligence of the sorter would lead you to specify more or fewer detailed sub-routines, depending on what steps the sorter already knows how to do. The tasks that an executor can perform in which the what can be specified without the how are known as “primitive” operations.
There is also an abstraction in the description of the objects involved in the algorithm. Certain assumptions are made about their nature. In our example, the books have titles composed of known characters, allowing for alphabetization; the shelf has an ordering (beginning to end, or left to right); the books are objects that can fit onto the shelf and be moved about; and so on. These characteristics may seem rather obvious—so much so that they are inextricable from the concepts of “book” and “shelf”—but what is important is that only these few properties are relevant for the purposes of the algorithm. You, as the sorter, need know nothing about the full nature of a book in order to execute the algorithm—you need only have knowledge of shelf positions, titles, and how titles are ordered relative to one another. This abstraction is useful because the objects involved in the algorithm can easily be represented by symbols that describe only these relevant properties.
These two forms of abstraction are at the core of what enables the execution of procedures on a computer. At the level of its basic operations, a computer is both extremely fast and exceedingly stupid, meaning that the type of task it can perform in which the what is the same as the how is very simple. For a computer to perform the selection sort algorithm, for example, it would have to be described in terms of much simpler primitive steps than the version offered here. The type of steps a computer can perform are usually about as complex as “tell me if this number is greater than that number” and “add these two numbers and tell me the result.” The power of the computer derives not from its ability to perform complex operations, but from its ability to perform many simple operations very quickly. Any complex procedure that a computer performs must be reduced to the primitive operations that a computer can execute, which may require many levels at which the procedure is broken down into simpler and still simpler steps.
Manipulating SymbolsImagine that you have a computer with three useful abilities: it has a large number of memory slots in which you can store numbers; you can tell it to move existing numbers from one slot to another; and it can compare the numbers in any two slots, telling you which is greater. You can give the computer a sequential list of instructions to execute, some examples of which could be, “Store the number ‛25’ in slot 93,” “Copy the number from slot 76 into slot 41,” “Tell me whether the numbers in slots 17 and 58 are equal,” and “If the last two numbers compared were equal, jump back four instructions, otherwise keep going.” Could you use such instructions to perform your book-sorting task?
To do so, you must be able to represent the problem in terms that the computer can understand—but the computer only knows what numbers and memory slots are, not titles or shelves. The solution is to recognize that there is a correspondence between the objects that the computer understands and the relevant properties of the objects involved in the algorithm: for example, numbers and titles both have a definite order. You can use the concepts that the computer understands to symbolize the concepts of your problem: assign each letter to a number so that they will sort in the same way (1 for A, 26 for Z), and write a title as a list of letters represented by numbers; the shelf is in turn represented by a list of titles. You can then reduce the steps of your sorting job into steps at the level of simplicity of the computer’s basic operations. If you do this correctly, the computer can execute your algorithm by performing a series of arithmetical operations. (Of course, getting the computer to physically move your boss’s books is another matter, but it can give you a list ordered the way your boss wanted.)
This is why the computer is sometimes called a “symbol-manipulation machine”: what the computer does is manipulate symbols (numbers) according to instructions that we give it. The physical computer can thus solve problems in the limited sense that we imbue what it does with a meaning that represents our problem.
It is worth dwelling for a moment on the dualistic nature of this symbolism. Symbolic systems have two sides: the abstract concepts of the symbols themselves, and an instantiation of those symbols in a physical object. This dualism means that symbolic systems and their physical instantiations are separable in two important (and mirrored) ways. First, a physical object is independent of the symbols it represents: Any object that represents one set of symbols can also represent countless other symbols. A physical object and a symbolic system are only meaningfully related to each other through a particular encoding scheme. Thus it is only partially correct to say that a computer performs arithmetic calculations. As a physical object, the computer does no such thing—no more than a ball performs physics calculations when you drop it. It is only when we consider the computer through the symbolic system of arithmetic, and the way we have encoded it in the computer, that we can say it performs arithmetic.
Second, a symbolic system is independent of its representation, so it can be encoded in many different ways. Again, this means not just that it is independent of any particular representation, but of any particular method of representation—much as an audio recording can exist in any number of formats (LP, CD, MP3, etc.). The same is true for programs, in which higher-level concepts may be represented in any number of different ways.
This is a crucial property of algorithms and programs—another way of stating that an algorithm specifies what should be done, but not necessarily how to do it. This separation of what and how allows for a division of knowledge and labor that is essential to modern computing. Computer users know that most popular programs (say, Microsoft Word or Mozilla Firefox) work the same way no matter what computer they’re running on. You, as a user, don’t need to know that the instructions a Windows machine uses to run the program are entirely different from those used by an Apple machine. This view of the interaction between user and program is known to software engineers as a “black box,” because the user can see everything on the outside of the box—what it does—but nothing on the inside—how it does it.
Black boxes pervade every aspect of computer design because they employ three distinct abstractions, each offering tremendous advantages for programmers and users. The first has already been described: a user needs to know only what a program does, so he need not repeat the programmer’s labor of understanding how it does it. The same is true for programmers themselves, who need to know only what operations the computer is capable of performing, and don’t need to concern themselves with how it performs them. Second, black box programming allows for simple machines to be easily combined to create more complex machines; this is called modular programming, as each black box functions as a module that can be fitted to other modules. The final abstraction of modular programming is perhaps its greatest advantage: the how can be changed without affecting the what. This allows the programmer to conceive of new ways to increase the efficiency of the program without changing its input-output behavior. More importantly, it allows for the same program to be executed on a wide variety of different machines. Most modern computer processors offer the same set of instructions that have been used by processors for decades, but execute them in such a dramatically different way that they are performed millions of times faster than they were in the past.
Computers as Black BoxesLet’s return to the hypothetical task of sorting your boss’s bookshelves. Suppose that your employer has specified what you should do, but not how—in other words, suppose he is concerned only with transforming the start state of the shelf to a desired end state. You might sort the shelf a number of different ways—selection sort is just one option, and not always a very good one, since it is exceedingly slow to perform for a large number of books. You might instead decide to sort the books a different way: first pick a book at random, and then move all the books that alphabetically precede it to its left, and all the books that alphabetically follow to its right; then sort each of the two smaller sections of books in the same way. You’ll notice that the operations you use are quite different, but your employer, if he notices any change at all, will only note that you completed the task faster than last time. (Called “quicksort,” this is in fact the fastest known sorting algorithm.)
Or, as suggested, you might pay a friend to sort the books—then potentially you would not even know how the sorting was performed. Or you could hire several friends, and assign to each of them one of the simpler parts of the task; you would then have been responsible for taking a complex task and breaking it into more simple tasks, but you would not have been responsible for how the simpler tasks themselves were performed. Black box programming creates hierarchies of tasks in this way. Each level of the hierarchy typically corresponds to a differing degree of complexity in the instructions it uses. In the sorting example, the highest level of the hierarchy is the instruction “sort the bookshelf,” while the lowest is a collection of simple instructions that might each look something like “compare these two numbers.”
Computers, then, have engineered layers of abstraction, each deriving its capabilities from joining together simpler instructions at a lower layer of abstraction. But each layer uses its own distinct concepts, and each layer is causally closed—meaning that it is possible to understand the behavior of one layer without recourse to the behavior of a higher or lower layer. For instance, think about your home or office computer. It has many abstraction layers, typically including (from highest to lowest): the user interface, a high-level programming language, a machine language running on the processor, the processor microarchitecture, Boolean logic gates, and transistors. Most computers will have many more layers than this, sitting between the ones listed. The higher and lower layers will likely be the most familiar to laymen: the user interface creates what you see on the screen when you interact with the computer, while Boolean logic gates and transistors give rise to the common description of the computer as “just ones and zeroes.”
The use of layers of abstraction in the computer unifies several essential aspects of programming—symbolic representation, the divide-and-conquer approach of algorithms, and black box encapsulation. Each layer of a computer is designed to be separate and closed, but dependent upon some lower layer to execute its basic operations. A higher level must be translated into a lower level in order to be executed, just as selection sort must be translated into lower-level instructions, which must be translated into instructions at a still lower level.
The hierarchy of a computer is not turtles all the way down: there is a lowest layer that is not translated into something lower, but instead is implemented physically. In modern computers this layer is composed of transistors, miniscule electronic switches with properties corresponding to basic Boolean logic. As layers are translated into other layers, symbolic systems can thus be represented using other symbols, or using physical representations. The perceived hierarchy derives partially from the fact that one layer is represented physically, thus making its relationship to the physical computer the easiest to understand.
But it would be incorrect to take the notion of a hierarchy to mean that the lowest layer—or any particular layer—can better explain the computer’s behavior than higher layers. Suppose that you open a file sitting on your computer’s desktop. The statement “when I clicked the mouse, the file opened” is causally equivalent to a description of the series of state changes that occurred in the transistors of your computer when you opened the file. Each is an equally correct way of interpreting what the computer does, as each imposes a distinct set of symbolic representations and properties onto the same physical computer, corresponding to two different layers of abstraction. The executing computer cannot be said to be just ones and zeroes, or just a series of machine-level instructions, or just an arithmetic calculator, or just opening a file, because it is in fact a physical object that embodies the unity of all of these symbolic interpretations. Any description of the computer that is not solely physical must admit the equivalent significance of each layer of description.
The concept of the computer thus seems to be based on a deep contradiction between dualism and unity. A program is independent of the hardware that executes it; it could run just as well on many other pieces of hardware that work in very different ways. But a program is dependent on some physical representation in order to execute—and in any given computer, the seemingly independent layers do not just exist simultaneously, but are in fact identical, in that they are each equivalent ways of describing the same physical system.
More importantly, a description at a lower level may be practically impossible to translate back into an original higher-level description. Returning again to our sorting example, suppose now that a friend hires you to do some task that his boss asked him to perform. All he gives you is a list of instructions, each of which is about as simple as “decide if these two numbers are equal.” When you follow these instructions, you will perform the task exactly as your friend has specified, but you may have no idea what task you are performing beyond comparing lots of numbers. Even if you are able to figure out that, say, you are also doing some kind of sort, it could be impossible to know whether you are sorting books rather than addresses or names. The steps you execute still clearly embody the higher-level concepts designed by your friend and intended by his boss, but simply knowing those steps may not be sufficient to allow you to deduce those original concepts. In the computer, then, a low-level description of a program does provide a causally closed description of its behavior, but it obscures the higher-level concepts originally used to create the program. One may very likely, then, be unable to deduce the intended purpose and design of a program, or its internal structure, simply from its lower-level behavior.
The Mind as Black Box
Since the inception of the AI project, the use of computer analogies to try to describe, understand, and replicate mental processes has led to their widespread abuse.